Interview with Starspawn Studios

Your scholarship is in danger, your friends aren’t human, and something ancient is awakening in the dreamlands.

As reality itself becomes uncertain, questions of identity and transformation become matters of survival.

Just another finals week at Miskatonic University.

Starspawn: A Miskatonic Mystery website

The Lovecraft Mythos has provided the inspiration for games since the 1980s, from early references in Dungeons & Dragons and other tabletop roleplaying games to collectible card games like Mythos, board games like Arkham Horror, and various console and computer-based video games including Call of Cthulhu: Dark Corners of the Earth. While many of these games focus on the horror the Mythos, each game brings something new, highlights different aspects of the Mythos, and allows the creators to use their imagination to explore and expand on the Mythos in new ways.

Starspawn: A Miskatonic Mystery is a forthcoming Lovecraftian visual novel/adventure/mystery game with elements of dating sim romance, puzzle solving, self-discovery, and transformation, exploring the Mythos through a queer lens. The demo is available on Steam and Itch.io, and the crowdfund campaign for the full game, along with tie-in fiction anthology and other perks, is now live on Kickstarter.

Starspawn Studios developers John Burke and Daniel Pennypacker (creator of Polemic) have agreed to answer a few questions about the game.

What is the one-sentence pitch for Starspawn: A Miskatonic Mystery?

John: You investigate an ancient mystery that’s threatening reality itself while navigating the personal connections that make life worth living, exploring themes of love and resistance in the face of overwhelming opposition and inevitable decay.

How did you get into Lovecraft and cosmic horror?

John: The first thing that comes to mind is watching John Carpenter’s The Thing in early high school. The gore was fun, of course, but the isolation and paranoia were what hooked me. I know Alien doesn’t really count, but I saw it around the same time, and it left a similar impression. Seeing skilled characters doing their best and still failing–or nearly so–is just really exciting. Cosmicism itself didn’t click until later; it just read as another apocalyptic threat. I started looking into cosmic horror more specifically after reading Blindsight and a couple Laundry Files books.

Daniel: During the collectible-card-game craze of the ’90s, I bought a starter deck of the Mythos card game. It was so different and confusing, and planted a seed of fascination deep in my brain. I learned more about H.P. and cosmic horror over time just by being into nerdy things.

In my early 20s, I had a horror movie phase and then read a couple of H.P.’s short stories. I was really impressed by how ahead of their time they felt, but I also bounced off because of the overt racism. I’d say at this point, my head was wrapped around what cosmic horror really was. I don’t like gore, so cosmic horror felt like the cool, artsy, subtle horror subgenre.

More recently, I had a Gothic literature phase, which led me back to listening to all of Lovecraft. This time, I was able to view his writing more from an art history lens and could push past his bigotry.

What Lovecraft story resonates the most with you and why?

John: The Shadow out of Time. It’s almost inverted from his usual stories–the freaky thing happens at the beginning, and the investigation is largely internal. The mounting dread isn’t from being trapped in a weird town or learning things you’d rather not about the history of Earth. It’s entirely about self-knowledge. Lovecraft was no stranger to mental illness, and I imagine his own moods, and maybe family history, served as some inspiration here. If not, he really nailed it, because that’s why Shadow so resonates with me. When you go a little funny in the head, afterwards, you have to figure out what happened, and who you are, and who you want to be. You might take medicine that changes your brain. You might try several! It’s not fun. The story uses a frank discussion of mental illness to make sure we know that that isn’t what’s going on, but it’s still ultimately about the terror of learning who you are and what you’ve done.

Daniel: At the Mountains of Madness deserves to be in the sci-fi canon. It has some flaws, but in the context of when it was written, it’s just so original. It’s also pretty free of any bigotry, as far as I can remember? There’s some imagery that’s really great too—the isolation of the Arctic, and the descriptions of the mountains really stick in my mind. 

I’m also a big history buff, and knowing so much has happened before can cause some existential dread, so the revealing of a secret history really resonated with me. I’ve even had moments in my life where I think “Oh boy, I don’t wanna share a relevant weird history thing I know; it’ll ruin someone’s day.”  After reading it, I spent a week imagining what a modern movie of Mountains would be like. The core story is so good, and straightforward forward, it seemed like it could use a modern adaptation that smoothed over some of the wordy narration. The big character arch I kept thinking of was regret and guilt about going on the expedition at all. 

It’s also surprising how much the story actually tells about the Elder Things. He looks at reliefs in their old city, and it pretty much lays everything out. Also: the giant penguins!

What’s your background in gaming and game development?

John: I’ve been gaming consistently since the NES days. I like all sorts of stuff. If I had to list current favorites: Metal Gear Solid 3, Danganronpa 2, Final Fantasy VII… innovative games with great stories that strike a balance between somber and wacky. And old point-and-click puzzlers like Day of the Tentacle. You’ll see all of that in Starspawn’s DNA. For game development, in elementary school I made a text adventure with QBasic. It probably wasn’t very good. I’ve fiddled with a lot of different stuff since then, but I never sat down and made a real game start to finish until now. I never had an idea I liked well enough to justify all those hours. I stuck to writing stories. 

Daniel: I’ve been developing physical card and board games on the side for a while, with one successful self-published game so far. I’ve always loved video games, my day job is programming. I’d always wanted to make a game, but it was always hard to do everything on my own. Having a co-dev was really instrumental in getting the game made. 

Some of my favorite games are Shadow of the Colossus, Metal Gear Solid 2, and Resident Evil 4. So I wanted our game to have a clear and obvious interface, action mixed with exploration, and an interesting story. I think if a game is too story-heavy, it’s easy to get bored, but if there’s a boring story, it’s hard to stay interested in a game. One of my favorite parts of JRPG’s has always been entering a new town and just walking around and talking to NPC’s, so a 2D world with lots of talking, interspersed with some action, fit right into what I like in games. 

How did you decide to develop Starspawn together? What’s the background of the game development?

Daniel: I tried making a narrative game a couple of years ago and learned a ton. But I hit a wall when it came to actual writing. Then John suggested working on a visual novel together, and it clicked: “Oh yeah, I was missing a writer—we could actually do this!” John does coding too, so it was nice to know I wouldn’t be stuck with technical problems.

John: Daniel was rereading some Lovecraft at the time and one of his suggestions was a dating sim where you go to school with the various monsters. This didn’t quite make sense—why would they be in school?—so I said okay, maybe you go to school with a bunch of half-monsters and you can date them.

Daniel: Gameplay- and story-wise, this made a lot more sense. It’s hard to come up with relatable characters that are incomprehensible gods.

John: Then we needed to reckon with why there are a bunch of half-monsters. It doesn’t seem like it would be a priority for the great old ones. I came up with a backstory to explain it that ended up being like, part Borges story, part Cold War spy thriller. Which meant pulling in some additional genres…

Daniel: There was a bit of feature creep.

John: I like the old LucasArts puzzle games, so we added a point-and-click mode.

Daniel: And arcade-style minigames.

John: And we needed a way to move around the world, which meant either a map that took you to different settings, or…

Daniel: A full-on 2D world. And we had to make that interesting, so we added stealth gameplay.

John: And finally made ourselves stop.

When you decided on a Lovecraftian theme, did that prompt a Lovecraft re-read?

Daniel:  When we started working on the game, I was mid-read, and John re-read a bunch of the stories. I also ended up reading some other Gothic classics (Frankenstein, Wuthering Heights) and some classic sci-fi (Dying Earth, Conan). Reading Conan was especially interesting, as it made me realize how H.P. was broadly part of a pulpy genre.

John: My reread wasn’t going so well at first. The ideas I was getting while reading him were too lugubrious for my taste, and my other ideas were so whimsical that they felt unfaithful. Then I got to The Dream-Quest of Unknown Kadath, which I’d never even heard of. It was when everything clicked for me–how to tell the kind of story I’d want to read, with cosmic horror and whimsy, where you explore beyond the usual claustrophobic settings you find in a lot of mythos games. Carter is too chill about everything, but having a template for a real adventure was what I was missing.

Do you feel that being you (queer, a game developer) has shaped your understanding of Lovecraft and approach to cosmic horror?

John: It feels weird when there isn’t something deeper going on in a cosmic horror story. Even Lovecraft did it, right? Lots of his stories tie in to various preoccupations of the era. The best horror gets its hooks into you by speaking to something that’s already on your mind. And in order to do that, it has to speak to something. Otherwise all you have is tentacles. You don’t have to be queer to have that insight, obviously, but it can help.

My contribution to the Kickstarter short story collection is about a gay American who moves to Iceland around 1960 to help industrialize their fishing industry under the Marshall Plan. He’s expecting a relatively enlightened Danish-style approach to homosexuality there, but it turns out that LGBT life there was even harder than it was in America. It was legal in theory, but the country was so small and gossipy that stigma was more powerful than law. Being queer meant knowing the right secret incantations and hidden meeting places. And if you found something terrifying happening there, you might not report it. You’d be too paranoid and compromised. Some things are more frightening than cults.

Fiction doesn’t have to be about interrogating prejudice or speaking truth to power. But the better you understand yourself and your place in society, the easier you’ll find it is to write a good story. This Iceland idea came naturally to me since I knew about the broad strokes just from being myself, and knew from my life how effective it would be at creating a mood of strangeness and alienation.

Daniel: Both The Case of Charles Dexter Ward and Herbert West—Reanimator felt extremely queer to me! In Ward he literally brings a dark-dandy version of himself to life, who then takes over his life, all while avoiding his parents so he can go out at night. Herbert West feels like it touched on gay men having obsessive crushes that only get them into more and more trouble they can’t explain. I can’t make any judgments about Lovecraft’s sexuality, but we do know he was deeply alienated, and adopted an attitude of a snobbish outsider; a role gay men often occupied before Gay Rights. I suppose Lovecraft was touching on feelings of otherness that might be universal. 

Does gaming offer a new way to explore and experience the Mythos?

Daniel: Yes! Just like any medium, there are certain feelings that games are good at evoking. Specific to cosmic horror, I think we did a good job making the mini-games anxiety-inducing, and providing lots of exploration, mystery, and investigation. 

The classic clever video game for cosmic horror is Eternal Darkness on the GameCube. It did some really fun meta tricks where you thought the game was glitching. That sort of reality-questioning surprise would be impossible to do in any other medium.

Video games can also be really good at vibes and atmosphere, which are such a big part of cosmic horror. Elden Ring is probably the best recent example of a game that’s hard to describe other than the mood of playing it. Sure, it’s hard, but the majority of the game is spent walking around feeling a vague sense of dread. Maybe a more Lovecraft version would be that you can’t actually beat the monsters and can only run away. 

John: “Only being able to run away” is a really great mechanic. There’s a game called Subnautica where you’re stranded on an alien planet and have to explore increasingly deep oceans full of weird fish and some giant monsters, and you basically only have a knife. It’s incredibly good at making you feel insignificant and alone. That game hits most of the Lovecraftian notes, actually, and the gameplay limitations really amplify the vibe.

Another thing unique to games is that you are actually sitting there making the character do things. When you’re watching a horror movie, you can say, you know, “Don’t open that door! In a video game, you actually have to hit the button to open the door. Undertale does this on the genocide route, making things increasingly unpleasant as you enter commands. Papers, Please consists almost entirely of this, though I do consider it almost too unpleasant to play as a result.

I’ll mention one last mechanic that you see in a lot of games. You build up a big inventory of powers and items and travel abilities, then the game takes that all away from you and traps you somewhere. It’s frustrating if it’s done wrong, but it can be a really effective way to induce feelings of isolation and powerlessness. If you’re reading a story, you might empathize with the character, but if you’re playing a game, the buttons don’t do the same things they used to. You are the one who has lost the powers.

How does Starspawn explore queerness through a Mythos lens?

John: I’m going to let one of our contributing writers start this one. (Em wrote one of the novelettes we’re including as a Kickstarter reward, and she came up with one of the main characters.)

“[Cosmic horror] stories provide a ripe foundation for exploring non-heteronormative identity because both involve recognizing that consensus reality is more fragile and constructed than it appears. Cosmic horror traditionally focuses on themes of transformation, hidden knowledge, and the inadequacy of established categories, all of which create natural space for examining gender and sexual fluidity without requiring explicit positioning.

The genre frequently features characters discovering their true nature, often something that existed before their conscious awareness or something that has been heavily suppressed. Both resonate strongly with non-binary and trans experiences of self-discovery.

To cap it off, the horror elements can effectively capture both the terror and liberation that can accompany stepping outside normative social structures.”

‘Terror and liberation’ summarizes it pretty well. All of our characters have something like this going on. There’s always something about themselves that they don’t understand or don’t accept. Sometimes part of that is about being queer, but we never sat down and decided to write a queer story, if that makes sense. Starspawn deals with learning to accept yourself and love others, and self-knowledge and transformation and the weight of history. It would be weird if it weren’t at least a little queer.

We have a Yith mindnapping victim who comes back full of knowledge about other ways of being. This makes him reflect on who he was, who he is, who he wants to be–and some of the things he’s realized are about his sexuality. But he has many more things to figure out than that; he’s paranoid, he’s not experiencing time normally, he’s confused and depressed. Even with all that darkness, there’s a glimmer of light, since he’s learned things about himself that will let him live a more authentic life. And that’s worth celebrating, even at the end of the world.

Daniel: Feeling anxious, alienated, out of place, and at the mercy of powers beyond your control has a lot of queer overlap. Gothic literature is always concerned with legacy and history, and queer people often have to wrestle with anxiety about family and legacy.

One of the characters in Starspawn is a gay man transforming into a Deep One. Do you feel that “The Shadow over Innsmouth” offers parallels to the LGBTQ+ experience?

John: I’d have to give it a re-read, but I am inclined to say ‘not really,’ unless you want to do some eisegesis. As I recall, you yourself have written about how Innsmouth isn’t even meant to be understood as a parallel for race-mixing. If you play with the ideas presented in the story, though, you can go to some really interesting places.

The character’s name is Silas. He’s nineteen. His story is about leaving home and feeling conflicted about where you come from. In his hometown, they’ve got an ancient pact about breeding; but he doesn’t plan to have kids, which isn’t making him any friends there. And, needless to say, turning into a monster won’t make him many friends in gay circles. He’s got a foot in each world, but he doesn’t feel welcome in either. Pretty common experience for a young queer person.

What are some of the games that influenced the development of Starspawn?

John: I’d always wanted to make one of those old LucasArts-style point-and-click games like Monkey Island and Day of the Tentacle, so we have point-and-click and inventory-based puzzles. The protagonist is a little snarky and uses a lot of gallows humor, too. He’s freaked out, of course, but humor is an outlet for him. On the dating sim side, I prefer games with social sim elements rather than straight dating sims; specifically, story-driven games like Persona and Danganronpa, where you spend your free time getting to know the other characters and managing your life.

Daniel: WarioWare for the minigame. 90s Zelda and JRPG games for the 2D sections. Metal Gear for the stealth sections. And Yakuza for showing how combining lots of gameplay styles can work and still feel cohesive. 

The previous game I’d tried making on my own was mildly cosmic horror! The setup was as you were in an RPG city that was about to be invaded and destroyed. The whole game would have had a time limit of about an hour, and was filled with NPC’s asking for help. You’d go around finding and trading items, but there would be no way you could help everyone. Nor could you prevent the city from being destroyed. This is the one I dropped off of because I couldn’t write very well, but it had similar elements of choosing who to spend time on, branching stories, and exploring new environments. 

You obviously took inspiration from Lovecraft, but did you take inspiration from any other Mythos stories or games, like the Call of Cthulhu Roleplaying Game or Sucker For Love?

Daniel: Around COVID, I was playing more TTRPGs and ended up learning how to run Call of Cthulhu. I also read a bunch of adventures to get a good overview of what was out there. I think designing a D&D adventure is the closest thing to structuring a video game. You have to think a lot about pacing, and designing around players missing things or doing things out of sequence.

Right off the bat, we decided there had to be a madness meter, which is taken right from Call of Cthulhu’s sanity mechanic. A madness meter is a really nice way to add some gameplay to exploration and investigation. In CoC, there’s always a risk that anytime you look into something, you’ll end up losing some sanity. This adds some risk assessment to exploring, and not just having players “check everything.”

Our madness meter is a little kinder, though. In CoC, it’s more like a multi-session health point bar that ensures things keep getting worse for the players. In our game, we want it to be a scale you move back and forth on, and being madder isn’t always bad.

John: It’s sort of key to the game design, actually. We didn’t want any combat, since being able to defeat things is the wrong vibe, but we still needed a way to punish you for being bad at things, and like Daniel said, add some dread to exploration. You also take on some madness as you get to know certain characters, ask certain questions, read certain books.

In a dating sim, the main stressors are time management and dialogue choices. You’re always having to decide who to spend your limited time with, and what to say to them. Madness compounds this. The madder you get, the less free time you have to bond with other characters; you have to spend that time doing a soothing activity. Your personality changes, too. You get different dialogue options, often for the worse. But there are also paths in the game that you can only take if you’re willing to commit to being sort of insane. Cursed knowledge and stuff shouldn’t be one-dimensional; a lot of things are still worth knowing.

How do you deal with prejudices in the game? Will characters have to face homophobia or anti-Innsmouth prejudice?

John: I talked a little about Silas above. He’s definitely running into homophobia at home—it’s a small town with an ancient cult that’s obsessed with reproduction. Silas has started to transform, but he’s got some magical protection around it, so he’s just looking a little sweaty and frog-eyed to the general public, which of course comes with its own prejudices. He’s a film major and likes making student films, but he doesn’t let himself act in them anymore. He doesn’t like people looking at him. The guy’s not having a great year. You can see him for who he really is, though. Since each scene has branching paths, you’re free to provide the anti-Deep One prejudice yourself, if you want. I don’t know why you would, but being a jerk is often an option.

When you start exploring the dreamlands, you run into some anti-dreamer prejudice, too, as if you’re there to gentrify the place. And some of your classmates’ parents really don’t approve of their kids dating a baseline human. Every character and setting provides a lens we can use to look at prejudice. We have nine befriendable characters and two worlds, so we’ve had a lot of opportunities to explore this space.

Starspawn has dating sim elements and romance options. Why did you choose to include these in the game?

John: As the story evolved, we realized how important it is that the player can bond with and help other people. Every cosmicist story has the characters realizing how insignificant they are, how insignificant humanity is, but what somebody does with that knowledge is up to them. When Carl Sagan saw the ‘pale blue dot’ picture of Earth from four billion miles away, he didn’t go mad. He used it to try to convince us to be nicer to each other. That’s a direction that Starspawn pushes you towards, too. Relationships give life meaning, even if the universe doesn’t. But we’re not didactic. You can be a total jerk. I don’t know why you’d want to be, but you can. It makes things harder and you get a much worse ending, though.

As for romance, well, that’s part of life too! And it seemed like fun. The bonus art’s been a little embarrassing to work on, I’ll admit.

Daniel: Plus dating sims are a trendy mechanic. And for a good reason! It’s compelling to have to stress over deciding who to engage with more.

John: It encourages you to engage with the characters’ stories, too. If you want to maximize your relationship with them, you have to learn what they like and don’t like. In a game where story features so heavily, that’s an advantage for me as a writer.

Daniel: Dating sims also mesh perfectly with branching narratives, which also mesh well with exploration. So at a certain point, it just felt like it all gelled.

What did you learn while developing Starspawn?

Daniel: So much! I worked on a lot of the 2D engine, and it forced me to learn a ton of the basics of game coding. I had to learn about making maps, pathfinding, animations, and scripting. I had lots of self-doubt about choosing an engine, and I kept wondering if we should have picked Unity, instead of a dedicated visual novel engine, so we didn’t have to write as much of the 2D engine. Ren’Py does give you a huge amount, though. And from talking to game-dev friends, it’s still got the best-in-class syntax for writing a visual novel script.

John: And since the majority of the code is just dialogue, that matters a lot!

Daniel: Personally, it was extremely rewarding to learn so many fundamental aspects of coding a game. One of the nicest surprises was how welcoming game-dev friends were. I’ve got a couple of friends who work in games, and I was initially self-conscious about showing Starspawn off.

John: It’s just the two of us and a few visual artists, so the result is a little, shall we say, indie. I think we’re succeeding, though. A journalist recently called the demo ‘charming and ambitious.’ 

Daniel: I think everyone can see how much work we’ve put in. A lot of people in games got their start by doing their own little indie things, so everyone’s been extremely supportive.

John: One thing I’ve struggled with, as a writer, has been the cost of ideas, in time and money. When you’re writing a book, settings are free. You can come up with some crazy, mind-bending concept and just set a couple of scenes there. Here, you need a painted backdrop for it, you need pixel landscapes, maybe even character portraits. If we have an idea for a cool action scene, we have to figure out how to represent it in gameplay, which usually means we have to cut it. And people don’t want to have to read too much, either. You only get a few sentences at most for each beat. So I’ve learned a lot about being concise.

Thank you, John and Daniel, for answering all of these questions. I’m looking forward to seeing what the full version of Starspawn looks like, and wish you the best of luck with your crowdfunding on Kickstarter!

For more on Starspawn Studios check out their website and Bluesky account.


Bobby Derie is the author of Weird Talers: Essays on Robert E. Howard and Others and Sex and the Cthulhu Mythos.

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Deeper Cut: How to Read One Who Walked Alone by Novalyne Price Ellis

How to Read One Who Walked Alone by Novalyne Price Ellis
by
Bobby Derie

While they were acquainted for only about 22 months between the autumn of 1934 and the summer of 1936 (with a brief meeting in 1933), Ellis’ remembrance of Howard is the longest and most intimate memoir from anyone who personally knew him to be published. By the time that Howard scholarship focused on trying to record the memories of Howard’s friends and relatives, many had died, others were attempting to recall events from forty or fifty years before, and relatively few had intimate knowledge of Bob’s life and work.

All of which makes Novalyne Price Ellis’ One Who Walked Alone, published in 1986, an important resource for Howard studies. The book-length memoir of her on-again, off-again relationship with Bob Howard from 1934-1936 also gives a picture of life as a schoolteacher in a small Texas town, and the community of Cross Plains during the Great Depression, providing additional context to the narrative of her life and relationship with Bob.

The question scholars have to ask themselves before they use One Who Walked Alone is: how to read it? Can we read it strictly as nonfiction, or should it be considered closer to a work of fiction strongly drawn from real life, like Robert E. Howard’s semiautobiographical novel Post Oaks & Sand Roughs? What are Novalyne Price Ellis’ intentions and biases in writing this book, and how do these affect the final work? Perhaps most importantly, what does Ellis not address in One Who Walked Alone, and what can we read from those gaps?

These aren’t easy questions to answer because with Mrs. Ellis is deceased, and her original source materials have never been made available. However, we do have access to contemporary newspaper articles, memoirs about Robert E. Howard, and Howard’s own collected letters, which we can compare against the text and use to verify specific dates and events. We also have access to some of Novalyne Price Ellis’ own statements and letters, both during the period when she was writing and editing her manuscript for publication, and afterwards when she answered questions from fans and scholars. 

By combining these materials, a close reading of One Who Walked Alone reveals more about the nature of Novalyne’s book and how we should read it. When it comes to evaluating memoirs as historical documents, we must trust the authors to be honest—but verify as much as we can.

To begin with the text itself, in her foreword Novalyne Price Ellis reveals that the text began with “old diaries and journals I had kept from 1934 to 1936 (OWWA 11); in her preface, she reveals that “two names in the book […] were changed in order not to embarrass anyone still living” (OWWA 12). This by itself makes evident two important facts: that this memoir is drawn from her journals (and in fact takes the form of entries from those primary source documents), and that they have been edited or altered.

In fact, a look at Novalyne Price Ellis’ letters from 1978-1986 gives an idea of her process in writing and editing One Who Walked Alone. Early letters suggest she began simply transcribing her handwritten diaries and journals, typing them out to make them legible, e.g.:

Several years before I met Bob I was interested in writing, and I kept diaries and journals. Because of my interest in drama, I wrote conversations I had with people including those (many of them) that Bob and I had. The last few months Sprague de Camp has been urging me to write about Bob. If I could publish the diaries exactly as I wrote them, I would do so. Then people would know that Bob was neither crazy nor a freak. I am trying to type up the diaries and journals this summer before I begin another year of teaching.
—Novalyne Price Ellis to Glenn Lord, 3 Jul 1978, Selected Letters 2.3

However, it quickly becomes clear that Ellis wasn’t just transcribing the diaries and journals, but was also rewriting portions of the text:

Last week, I finished a section of my book that I have rewritten twice, and I still don’t like it. Some of the things I wrote in 1934 were pretty bad. I couldn’t decide what to do with it—whether or not to throw it away entirely, but I couldn’t do that, because it was something that had to be in the book.
—Novalyne Price Ellis to L. Sprague de Camp, 5 Aug 1979, Selected Letters 1.30

What exactly this rewriting consisted of is unclear—presumably changes of phrasing, silently correcting spelling errors, making entries stylistically consistent, etc. Some of the changes were clearly done on Ellis’ part to reflect the interests of people still living and, possibly, confidences once entrusted to her:

About four weeks ago, I was going through some material and I came across these words of Bob’s: “I’ll say this to you, but I wouldn’t say it to anybody else.” Where does that put me? He made that statement several different times. Am I still bound by that confidence? I wonder.
—Novalyne Price Ellis to Glenn Lord, 11 May 1980, Selected Letters 2.41

Also incorporated into the book were drafts of articles that were likely also drawn from the diaries and journals, to whit:

There are two chapters in the first 135 pages I do like, and I think Donald wanted to cut them. One of them described my trip to Cross Plains to apply for the job, and the other was the first faculty meeting. I think both of those chapters tell a lot about Cross Plains. They are the chapters I called you and Kirby about to ask if you didn’t think they should be left in, because they formed a background for Bob’s town, and both of you agreed with me. Both of them had been first drafts of articles about school teaching.
—Novalyne Price Ellis to Glenn Lord, 18 Mar 1984, Selected Letters 2.121

Mrs. Ellis also makes it clear that she was attempting to stick closely to the original diary and journal entries, sometimes to the detriment of readability:

While I was working on it and before I read it, all I could think of was that it does tell a lot more about Bob Howard the man than anyone else has written. What I didn’t realize was that in most cases, I stuck too close to the old diaries and journals; consequently, I wanted to cry while I went over the first 135 pages. How in the world could I fail to see that I was overwriting?
—Novalyne Price Ellis to Glenn Lord, 18 Mar 1984, Selected Letters 2.120

There are (depending on how you count) 78-80 entries, ranging in length from less than half a page to 11 pages in length. While predominantly told in the first person from Ellis’ perspective in a diary style, she does sometimes include fragments of dialogue and bits of conversation she had with others, in a more novel-esque fashion, which presumably came from her journal entries, as she was in the habit at the time of recording conversations in her journal to practice dialogue technique (SL1.26).

The first entry is dated 1933, and the last is in 1936, after Robert E. Howard’s death. The sequence of entries appears to be linear and some entries are specifically dated while others are vague. Ellis herself admitted that “The diary has a few dates—not enough” in a letter to Glenn Lord (SL2.46). Attempting to map the book directly onto a calendar doesn’t work, and the timeline is alternately compressed or decompressed depending on how prominently Robert E. Howard features in the narrative. We can assume entries not featuring him were edited out or combined, and this, combined with Ellis’ inconsistent tendency to date her entries, is why some of the dating is ambiguous. However, by correlating the events in One Who Walked Alone with other sources, we can map out a rough timeline for the book that corresponds closely with what we know of Novalyne and Bob’s lives in 1933-1936.

For example, we know from newspaper sources and yearbooks that Novalyne Price Ellis graduated from Daniel Baker College in May 1933, and that she was elected to teach at Cross Plains High School in August 1934, the school year beginning 10 September, which agrees with the beginning of One Who Walked Alone. When Novalyne mentions “We had such a large crowd that people had to be turned away” on page 118 agrees with the account given of the Hallowe’en frolic in the Cross Plains Review for 2 November 1934. When Novalyne writes “Bob is still in Temple” on page 182, we can confirm from Howard’s own letters that Bob and Hester Howard spent a month in Temple, TX for medical treatment (A Means to Freedom 2.838).

Further interpreting the content of One Who Walked Alone requires understanding the context of its publication and what other works may have influenced Novalyne Price Ellis’ manuscript, consciously or unconsciously. Interest in Robert E. Howard had begun to revive in the 1950s with the hardback publication of his Conan fiction by Gnome Press, and then seemed to explode in the 1960s and 70s with paperback publication. Science fiction and fantasy fandom, which had long neglected Robert E. Howard, began to organize with fanzines like Amra and The Howard Collector by Glenn Lord, and organizations like the Hyborian Legion and the Robert E. Howard United Press Association. Critical interest in Howard’s fiction led to scholarly interest in Howard the person, and finally, attention was given to his surviving friends, neighbors, relatives, and colleagues to learn more about Bob Howard.

According to her letters, Novalyne Price Ellis had conceived of a book-length memoir of Bob Howard shortly after his death in 1936:

I have always felt that I owed it to Bob to write about him as a person. After his death in 1936, I began organizing the things I’d written while we were going together and writing new things. However, I only wrote about 30 or 40 pages. I’m sure the book was more about me than about Bob, but I called it THE NEW HAMLET . . . YOUNG AND TRUE. There are a number of reasons I did not finish it: writing it was painful, I was still going with Truett and liked him, but mostly because I have always liked teaching better than writing.
—Novalyne Price Ellis to L. Sprague de Camp, 20 Aug 1977, Selected Letters 1.14 

She certainly still had interest in the subject in the 1940s, as shown by her radioplay “Day of the Stranger” (1947). However, she was at that point employed full time as a teacher with many extracurricular activities, married, and a mother; the project lapsed. Mrs. Ellis came to the attention of fandom and scholars in the 1970s, including correspondence with L. Sprague de Camp and Glenn Lord. According to her letters, the contact with these scholars and interest in Howard and ongoing publications about his life and work, along finally Mrs. Ellis’ retirement from teaching in 1979, encouraged her to revive her project.

At the time she was writing and editing (~1978-1982), the vast majority of Robert E. Howard’s correspondence had not yet been published. Many of the memoirs from Howard’s friends had only been published in various fanzines, some quite rare and obscure. Novalyne Price Ellis did read a few of these things:

I have read very few things about Bob—sometimes a book review or comment—and what I did read didn’t seem to me to be exactly what should have been said. I read one short biography that was filled with what I felt were inaccuracies.
—Novalyne Price Ellis to Glenn Lord, 1 Aug 1979, Selected Letters 2.10

In a later letter, she says this was a book published by Arkham House, which would be Literary Swordsmen and Sorcerers (1976) by L. Sprague de Camp, whose biographical chapter on Robert E. Howard is “The Miscast Barbarian.” We also know that Ellis read Harold Preece’s article “Women and Robert Ervin Howard” in Fantasy Crossroads #3 (May 1975), because she mentions it in her letters (ibid.), there are also references to her having read pieces on Robert E. Howard by E. Hoffmann Price and an individual named Troll (SL2.19).

The major accounts of Howard’s life that were relatively available were E. Hoffmann Price’s stories of his two visits to Robert E. Howard in Cross Plains in 1934 and 1935; Tevis Clyde Smith’s Frontier’s Generation, which included an essay on Bob in the enlarged 1980 edition; Glenn Lord’s The Last Celt: A Bio-Bibliography of Robert E. Howard (1976); and a series of biographical works by L. Sprague de Camp: The Miscast Barbarian (1975), a chapter in Literary Swordsmen & Sorcerers (1976), and Dark Valley Destiny (1983), written with his wife Catherine Crook de Camp and Jane Griffin. These are the sources that Mrs. Ellis would most likely have had access to and be influenced by.

Smith was a personal friend of Ellis going back to the 1930s; it is impossible to discount the possibility that his memories or memoirs of Bob Howard influenced her own, and she references his book in One Who Walked Alone (11, 52, 170). While there aren’t any specific incidents that seem drawn from Smith’s memoirs, we can assume any influence was baked in, as he both wrote the introduction and directly influenced the editing. She wrote that when the book was finished:

As you know, I wanted Clyde Smith to read what I had written about Bob before anyone else read it. I visited with him and his wife Rubye in early 1980. 
—Novalyne Price Ellis to Thomas W. Collins, 10 Nov 1988, Selected Letters 1.47

According to Ellis, when Smith reviewed the manuscript, he said: “Novalyne, you’ve got me saying ‘God damn’ too much.” Ellis’ reply was: “I laughed and agreed to cut some of them out.” (Report on a Writing Man & other reminiscences of Robert E. Howard 6). In One Who Walked Alone, Smith never swears worse than “damn.”

E. Hoffmann Price’s memoirs are functionally brief, and while they offer good detail on Robert E. Howard and, to a lesser extent his family, offer little detail on the town or its inhabitants. While she never met E. Hoffmann Price during his 1934 or 1935 visit or afterwards, she does mention that she had heard of the visit (OWWA 114-116, 263). While there are no direct anecdotes repeated in their respective memoirs, there are some interesting parallels. For example, both Price and Ellis mention how Hester Howard acted as a filter on the phone, keeping young women from talking to Bob Howard (The Acolyte Fall 1945, 32; OWWA 41). Likewise, both Price and Ellis discuss Bob talking about enemies (BOD 74, OWWA 257), and both mention that Howard kept a firearm in the glovebox of his car (The Acolyte Summer 1944; OWWA 73).

Ellis entered correspondence with Glenn Lord in the late 1970s, and The Last Celt contained biographic materials including essays by Howard’s friend Harold Preece and E. Hoffmann Price. Regarding this and other of Lord’s publications on Howard, Ellis politely declined to read them:

Thank you for telling me about your book—THE LAST CELT. I haven’t looked for a copy yet because I am busy with my own story about Bob. I don’t want to read anyting [sic] of anyone else’s until I finish. Whatever value my book will have will be Bob as he impressed people in Cross Plains and as I knew him. Naturally, I sincerely feel I knew the real Bob Howard.
—Novalyne Price Ellis to Gleen Lord, 18 Jul 1978, Selected Letters 2.5-6

However, in later letters, Mrs. Ellis does mention Preece’s biographical essay on Bob in The Last Celt (SL2.16, 19). Regarding E. Hoffmann Price’s essay:

 In The Last Celt, I thought Price was unnecessarily harsh about Bob too. Consequently, I had wanted my book to present him as he was—a good, kind man, who—if he was a little peculiar—had a right to be under the circumstances.
—Novalyne Price Ellis to Glenn Lord, 27 May 1984, Selected Letters 2.125

Some parallels are to be expected when discussing the same subject, so this doesn’t mean that Mrs. Ellis was cribbing notes off Price but it is important to note those parallels because sometimes knowledge of other memoirs or scholarship can creep into a work. Novalyne Price in 1934-1935, for example, could not know that Robert E. Howard would commit suicide; yet there are passages in One Who Walked Alone which can clearly be read as foreshadowing. For example, there is an encounter with Dr. Howard in what would be about November 1934, on One Who Walked Alone 181-182:

Dr. Howard straightened his shoulders, and his voice was stronger.

“Robert will be all right now, I think.”

That surprised me. “Has he been sick, too?”

Dr. Howard looked closely at me for a moment before he answered. He shook his head. 

“No. Not sick. He is very close to his mother.”

So that is unique? I thought, irritated slightly. I thought of my own mother and grandmother, and wondered how I could ever get along without them. 

“All of us are close to our mothers,” I said. “Somehow we manage to make it without them, I suppose.”

Dr. Howard sighed and looked toward the street at the passing cars. He didn’t see me. “Yes,” he said. “We manage.”

If this exchange happened when the text indicates, it is a significant foreshadowing of events. Mrs. Ellis, compiling and editing the work in the 1970s, clearly realized in hindsight how significant such a conversation would be. Yet we have no way of knowing if this exchange actually take place, when and where and how Novalyne Price Ellis indicated, or if it was fabricated to better fit the narrative. Some evidence in her letters suggests that Ellis definitely moved things around to fit her narrative:

Another thing I want to comment on is the first 168 pages that I have already sent to you. I want to cut some of the things in them for two reasons: 1) I think some later material concerning Bob is more important than some of that presently included. 2) I found a few things that I think should be included in the first part of the book. Some of the things can fit in anywhere, but one or two really need to be included early.
—Novalyne Price Ellis to Glenn Lord, 8 Dec 1980, Selected Letters 2.50

Dark Valley Destiny makes a particularly interesting point of comparison because one of the sources for that first full biography of Robert E. Howard was Mrs. Ellis herself, and was also drawing on E. Hoffmann Price’s memoirs and correspondence. Novalyne and the de Camp’s correspondence reveals a complex relationship, as the de Camps were very interested in her as a source of information about Robert E. Howard but were keen to interpret that information through their own lens when writing about him. For her own part, Novalyne was very aware that the de Camps were writing a biography about Bob at the same time that she was writing a memoir. The result was a kind of cagey rivalry, neither side wanting to give up too much data or make concessions on what material they would or would not use in their own book.

As a consequence, while Dark Valley Destiny covers Bob and Novalyne’s relationship, there are some subtle differences between the two works, both in detail and especially in interpretation. Several exchanges mentioned in both books are given slightly differently (cf. OWWA 39/DVD 314, 317; OWWA 54/DVD 315; OWWA 82/DVD 314-316). The reason for the discrepancy may be a factor of different routes of transmission (Ellis had her journals and her own memories, the de Camps only their conversations and correspondence with Ellis) or different editorial preferences. In some cases, the distinction represents an expansion that might be beyond the original journals. For example, in One Who Walked Alone 160 she says Robert E. Howard “talked about Atlantis,” but in Dark Valley Destiny she is quoted quoting Bob:

“Look, girl! Once upon a time, long ago, there was this vanished civilization of Atlantis, on an island in the ocean….”

In another instance, in One Who Walked Alone, Ellis quoted Howard:

“The Cro-Magnon man had it all over us modern men. He saw a woman he wanted, grabbed her by the hair of the head and dragged her back to his cave.”

In Dark Valley Destiny, Ellis is quoted quoting Howard:

“Look, girl, if this were Conan, he’d bat you down and drag you by the hair in the dust!” (DVD 319-320)

The phrasing echoes Bob’s dialogue in One Who Walked Alone, even though it doesn’t appear there. Were these passages from the journals that didn’t make the cut, something Ellis remembered but wasn’t included in the journals, or a paraphrase of something Bob said? We have no way to know.

If we compare Robert E. Howard as he appears in One Who Walked Alone versus the Howard that emerges from de Camp’s efforts at biography, the results are more subtle than profound. Her approach differs from others: while Bob Howard is presented as somewhat quirky and eccentric, but also a basically decent and normal human being. Ellis does not attempt to provide any of the pseudo-psychological analysis that characterizes de Camp’s works and paints Howard as an emotionally immature man-child with an unhealthy fixation on his mother or latent homosexual.

Novalyne Price Ellis makes no startling or easily falsifiable claims about Bob’s character or history. Neither does she discuss particular anecdotes of which she should have no knowledge, or events that are solely discussed in Dark Valley Destiny et al. and nowhere else. While it isn’t possible to prove Ellis was not influenced by Howard scholarship at the time she compiled and edited One Who Walked Alone, neither are there any red flags that suggest she was definitely drawing on any particular source. 

We’ve already seen how Ellis admitted using pseudonyms for some individuals still alive at the time the book was written, and how the arrangement of the entries suggests that they have been edited to emphasize Robert E. Howard, which affected the timeline of the narrative. There are indications, like the foreshadowing, that some conversations may have been emphasized, moved, paraphrased, or fabricated for narrative purposes.

When Glenn Lord approached Donald M. Grant about publishing One Who Walked Alone, the response he received was:

Grant replied that, while it was interesting, he felt she emphasized herself too much and did not put enough Howard into her work. He wanted her to rewrite and emphasize Howard. At first Novalyne was hesitant about whether she could do it. I encouraged her to try, she knocked out the work, it was acceptable to Grant, and thus we have the result today.
—Glenn Lord to the Cimmerian, 2008; Selected Letters 1.38n39

This broadly matches what we see in the text of One Who Walked Alone; many entries that were largely about Novalyne herself were probably excised to focus on Bob.

There are also many aspects of Ellis’ life that aren’t included in the book. While we do get an account of Ellis’ illness at one point, the book doesn’t cover her general health to any degree of detail; we never know if she’s on her period or feeling a bit under the weather, because these aren’t necessary to the narrative. She never mentions physical intimacy with Robert E. Howard beyond some kissing; is that because their relationship really was chaste, or because she didn’t feel it appropriate to discuss such things (keeping in mind her husband was still alive and well)? We can perhaps judge how much self-censorship Ellis engaged in when she writes in one letter:

It occurred to me that Sprague had probably written something derogatory about Bob and me, for Catherine had asked me (you won’t believe this) if I objected to people reading my diaries and journals because they contained sex! I tried to assure the evil minded woman that such an idea was preposterous!
—Novalyne Price Ellis to Glenn Lord, 22 Apr 1982, Selected Letters 2.86

It is also worth noting that Ellis fully expected that the book would be cut after she submitted the manuscript and before publication. She even asked directly about this:

Will I be given the privilege of cutting some of the first portion of the manuscript which I have already sent in? After I cut it, the editor can cut what he pleases; however, I should like to discuss the cuts with him. I am particularly interested in making a few cuts and adding a couple of paragraphs. Recently, I found an old diary that I’d been looking for and part of an old scrap book.
—Novalyne Price Ellis to Glenn Lord, 30 Jun 1980, Selected Letters 2.46

One segment we know she wrote but cut was the original introduction to the book (SL2.50). Other changes were likely corrections or proofing changes, for example:

Also, I wanted to ask you to delete the word lustful on page 582. I think it’s better not to use that word because I couldn’t think of a word then or now to describe my feelings about Bob’s overwhelming sense of duty to his mother and father. I should like to just put a comma after the word say. Sometimes it’s hard to describe a situation.
—Novalyne Price Ellis to Glenn Lord, 10 Aug 1981, Selected Letters 2.68

How much was cut from the initial manuscript is unclear, although one letter suggests Donald said “at least 100 pages should be cut” (SL2.87), and that Ellis ultimately cut 125 pages (SL2.90, 110), and then an additional 32 pages on a subsequent editorial pass (SL2.124). Other people who saw the manuscript apparently also suggested changes, although what these are exactly is unclear. Ellis wrote:

When James Turner of Arkham House refused the bookscript about Bob, he took the time to edit it and he also made several suggestions. He said that one incident I had described did not tell anything about the town or about Bob, but that it had so much delightful humor in it he didn’t think any editor would want to delete it. (SL2.95)

Every document is produced for a purpose, stated or unstated, every author has their bias and their blindspots, and some disagreement between sources should be expected, simply because different people recalling the same events at different times and from different perspectives are going to remember things differently. Based on Novalyne Price Ellis’ letters and other writings, One Who Walked Alone was her honest effort to present Robert E. Howard as she had known him—but what it is not is an exact transcription of primary source materials.

In the end, Ellis’ work might be more properly categorized as creative nonfiction than as either a straight memoir or a work of semiautobiographical fiction like Howard’s Post Oaks & Sand Roughs. Its purpose is to accurately represent a certain time, place, persons, relationships, and events. Yet to do that, Ellis had to go beyond just a dry recitation of facts or or raw transcriptions from her diaries and journals; she constructed and presented a narrative for readers, and while that narrative is based in fact, it still represents her particular take on events, and should be read as such. Scholars can still cite and draw from One Who Walked Alone, but they should do it with an understanding that what they are citing has been filtered, rewritten, edited, and presented to depict a particularly human image of Robert E. Howard, as a direct counter to some of the depictions of Howard as mentally ill or freakish.

When she saw how the de Camps were using the information she provided them to depict Bob Howard in a way she did not agree with, Novalyne Price Ellis noted:

I, who have always liked biographies, feel now that biographies are about the feelings and emotions of the people writing them instead of the subject.
—Novalyne Price Ellis to L. Sprade de Camp, 20 Aug 1977, Selected Letters 1.14

Which is demonstrably true, and in One Who Walked Alone, she makes no attempt to conceal her own feelings and emotions. 

Originally presented as part of the Glenn Lord Symposium at Howard Days 2025.


Bobby Derie is the author of Weird Talers: Essays on Robert E. Howard and Others and Sex and the Cthulhu Mythos.

Deep Cuts in a Lovecraftian Vein uses Amazon Associate links. As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Deeper Cut: Lovecraft on the Mandate of Palestine & Zionism

Antisemitism

The following article deals explicitly with antisemitism in a historical context. Frank discussion of these matters requires the reproduction of at least some samples of antisemitic speech from historical sources (e.g. Lovecraft’s letters). As such, please be advised before reading further.


H. P. Lovecraft was an antisemite. To go into exact detail about the nature of his antisemitic biases and views, the influences from the books he read and people he met, and how those encounters changed the shape and expression of his prejudices over the course of his life, is beyond the scope of this article. It is sufficient to say that from an early age and extending throughout his life Lovecraft held to common stereotypes regarding Jews as an ethnicity and Judaism as a religion, both of which he was largely ignorant about, and largely considered them a people racially and culturally apart from Anglo-Americans like himself. This general antipathy did not extend to friends and loved ones such as Samuel Loveman or his wife Sonia H. Greene, and was rarely made public, but is well-documented in his private letters and influenced views of his peers such as Hugo Gernsback. Lovecraft was not unique in these beliefs, but has left a deep record of personal correspondence which allows more insight into his thoughts on such topics than most of his contemporaries.


We despise people—like the Jews—who purchase life at the price of a resigned heritage, and consent to live in a world which has stamped out their culture as a geographic reality.

H. P. Lovecraft to Woodburn Harris, 9 Nov 1929, Letters to Woodburn Harris 200

For the first 30 years of H. P. Lovecraft’s life, the territory of Palestine was a part of the Ottoman Empire, which supported a primarily Arabic population of Muslims, Jews, and Christians. During the 19th century private efforts to encourage Jewish immigration to the Biblical lands had gained some headway, a movement referred to as “Zionism” (Zion being a Hebrew word for the historical Jerusalem and territory of the Israelites). During World War I, the Ottoman Empire’s alliance with Germany and Austria against France, Britain, and Russia led the British in 1917 to issue the Balfour Declaration, voicing support for the “establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people.” The United States echoed this support with the Lodge-Fish Resolution in 1922.

Following the defeat of the Ottomans in World War I, the British-administered Mandate of Palestine was established in 1920, and Jewish immigration to the region increased—as did opposition from autochthonous Arabic Muslims, Jews, Christians, and other peoples of varied religion and ethnicity who were already living in the region. Immigration and conflict in the region would continue until long after Lovecraft was dead, and eventually lead to the creation of the contemporary state of Israel, but during his life it was an ongoing international issue that cropped up occasionally in his letters. Lovecraft earliest views on the subject are from April 1918, before the end of WWI:

I hope, as you do, that the Jews can be rehabilitated as a nation in Palestine. I doubt their capacity for full self-government, for their physical courage & national (as distinct from religio-cultural) sense has been broken by long dispersal & Aryan contempt; but I fancy they will do very well under British protectorate.

H. P. Lovecraft to James Larkin Pearson, 6 Apr 1918, Letters to Rheinhart Kleiner & Others 315

Lovecraft’s normal approach to colonialism was conservative. He acknowledged the fundamental unfairness of the forceful takeover of a territory from the indigenous inhabitants with a general might-makes-right narrative, as when he discussed the European invasion and colonization of North and South America:

It is true that our ancestors ruthlessly pushed the redskin aside—but after all, this is no more than one tribe had always been doing to another. If the English brutally displaced the Iroquois in New York State, so must the Iroquois themselves have displaced the earlier Algonquin tribes when they occupied the region. And so on . . . and so on . . . . Of course, the greater strength and superior weapons of the white man made his case a good deal different—but the general idea is not to be forgotten.

H. P. Lovecraft to Robert E. Howard, 11 Jul 1936, A Means to Freedom 2.856

Perhaps unsurprisingly, Lovecraft was also critical of reparations of territory to dispossessed peoples or of allowing colonies self-governance:

To try to go back and theoretically right all the wrongs of history is simply fantastic. On that basis the Aryan race has no business in Europe at all, since it probably took it by force from Neanderthalers and Mongoloids. When a region is inhabited by its own race and unwillingly held in subjection, there is legitimate ground for revolt; but the idea of dispossessing long-adjusted present populations in favour of remote historical claims—however just in theory—is chimerical to the point of downright criminality.

H. P. Lovecraft to Robert E. Howard, 21 Jan 1933, A Means to Freedom 2.531

In effect, Lovecraft might not have encouraged wars of conquest, but once a region had been conquered he was unwilling to change the status quo. With regard to Palestine, this leads to a bit of a philosophical conundrum: one of Lovecraft’s criticisms and stereotypes of Jews was as a people dispossessed of a homeland (e.g. Letters to J. Vernon Shea 94) which Lovecraft attributed essentially to cowardice, a stereotype fundamental to his distinction between Jews and “Aryans” like himself:

What we can’t forgive in the Jew is not the tone of his prayers or the size of his nose, but the fact that he is willing to survive under the conditions he accepts. Being weak may not have been his fault—but it is his fault that he is alive & not free & dominant. If we were as weak as he, & could not fight our way to self-respect, we would perish utterly—taunting our foes, virile & unbroken, as the last man fell. That unbrokenness is all that matters to us.

H. P. Lovecraft to James F. Morton, 12 Jun 1933, Letters to James F. Morton 325

One would think that Lovecraft might then admire any effort by the Jews to re-establish themselves in Palestine, but after the establishment of the Mandate of Palestine, he instead described Jewish revaunchism as a “sentimental claim of the Zionist Jews to essentially Arab-Moslem Palestine” (Lovecraft to Robert E. Howard, 10 Nov 1932, A Means to Freedom 1.484). This is the only direct reference to Zionism in Lovecraft’s letters, although he alludes to it elsewhere as “Palestine” or “the Palestine question.”

Lovecraft favoring Arabic Muslim Palestinians in this matter is not surprising; it was a combination of his long-held antisemitic beliefs coupled with his previously stated anti-revanchist stance—and perhaps a touch of pro-Arabic/Muslim sentiment, as Lovecraft once wrote:

It’s because the Jews have allowed themselves to fill a football’s role that we instinctively hate them. Note how much greater is our respect for their fellow-Semites, the Arabs, who have the high heart—shewn in courage and a laughing sense of beauty—which we emotionally understand and approve.

H. P. Lovecraft to Frank Belknap Long, Jr., 21 Aug 1926, Selected Letters 2.66

This led Lovecraft to some odd territory in actually disagreeing with the British government, a very rare thing for the anglophile Lovecraft:

Only by reading the outside press & the national magazines can New Yorkers get any idea of how Americans feel regarding such things as Nazism, the Palestine question (in which, by every decent standard, the Arabs are dead right & both England & the Jews intolerably wrong), the American immigration policy, & so on. […]
[172]I think the (probably) 100,000 Yankees in Providence ought to be able to say what they choose about Italy without making apologies to Federal Hill (our local Nuova Napoli), & that the (perhaps) 1,000,000 Americans in New York ought to be able to discuss Hitler & Palestine & pork chops without glancing fearfully over their shoulders at a horde of fortune-seeking Yiddish newcomers.

H. P. Lovecraft to J. Vernon Shea, 8 Nov 1933, Letters to J. Vernon Shea 170, 172

It is notable that this issue of Palestine comes up in Lovecraft’s letters c.1933, which is when Hitler and the Nazis also come to the fore. The rise of the Nazis largely coincides with when Lovecraft begins emphasizing a conspiracy theory of Jewish control of newspapers in New York; this comes up as Lovecraft addresses the point of anti-Nazi articles published in New York papers, which he attributes to Jewish influence in opposition to the rabidly antisemitic Nazis. So this reference to Jewish media influence in his letters, and Lovecraft’s stance on it, is not something he’s volunteering as a general antisemeitc rant, but in answer to a specific point to Shea, who was anti-Nazi. The reference to Palestine is Lovecraft identifying a subject he associates with a pro-Jewish bias.

The British support for Zionism was partially supported by the idea of British Israelism, a belief that the peoples of the British Isles were biologically and/or culturally descended from the Jewish people. The claims gained currency in the 19th century through works like Our Israelitish Origin (1840) and Lost Israel Found in the Anglo-Saxon Race (1886). Lovecraft was aware of the idea, and once joked “[David Van Bush] fondly believes our Saxon stock to be descended from the twelve [sic] lost tribes of Israel!” (Letters to James F. Morton 179), but his antisemitism did not permit him to share this belief:

Your theory that Anglo-Saxons are lost Israelites can be punctured in an instant by the facts of ethnology. Semitic races like the Jews & their kindreds have distinctive ethnic traits, none of which appear in the Englishman. The English, on the other hand, are most obviously and positively related to the Aryan Teutonic races of Northern Europe. The anthropological gulf between Jew & Saxon is so great as to be utterly impassable. No common ancestry this side of the Quaternary age is conceivable. They are as different as two white races can possibly be.

H. P. Lovecraft to James Larkin Pearson, 3 Aug 1919, Letters to Rheinhart Kleiner & Others 318

Ironically, Lovecraft’s prejudice in this matter and his general atheism led him away from 1930s white supremacist organizations like the Anglo-Saxon Federation of America. While some of Lovecraft’s antisemitic and white supremacist prejudices parallel that of the Christian Identity movement of the time, Lovecraft never attempted to provide a theological rationale for his antisemitism, white supremacist beliefs, or Zionism.

The question may be asked how Zionism impacted Lovecraft’s relations with his wife Sonia, who was herself a Jewish immigrant to the United States. The short answer is, we don’t know; their letters do not survive, and Sonia’s memoir of the marriage does not mention it. Perhaps it never came up or played little role in their relationship. However, we know Sonia was at least nominally in favor of Zionism, because of a letter to the editor that was published:

By 1930, Sonia and Howard were long separated, but it gives an indication that Lovecraft was at least intimately acquainted with someone who held opposite views on the subject than himself.


Jewish immigration to the Mandate of Palestine is an exceedingly minor topic in Lovecraft’s vast corpus of letters, which reflects his general lack of knowledge or interest in the subject. His few thoughts in his letters do not express any particularly unusual argument or exceptional insight. Nor did it find any expression in his fiction. Lovecraft did not live to see the horrors of the Holocaust, the formation of the state of Israel, the struggle for Palestinian statehood, or the immediate beginnings of hostilities currently ongoing in the region.

For readers today, the relevance of Lovecraft’s comments on the subject is as a representative slice of history—like a tree ring from a fossilized stump that shows the effects of a distant volcanic eruption. How these events, long ago and far away for so many, still touch the lives of so many, and continue to be leave scars that can be seen and felt down into the present day. So while many readers might be interested in Lovecraft’s specific thoughts, it may help to think of this as an expression of how an average person of Lovecraft’s day thought and expressed themselves on this topic. Lovecraft not as an important historic personage, but only as a core sample into a historic period.

If you wish to support the victims of this conflict, please consider a donation to a charitable organization such as Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders).


Bobby Derie is the author of Weird Talers: Essays on Robert E. Howard and Others and Sex and the Cthulhu Mythos.

Deep Cuts in a Lovecraftian Vein uses Amazon Associate links. As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

“One Morning in August” (2023) by Cassandra Daucus

The heritage of American weirdness was his to a most intense degree, and he saw a dismal throng of vague spectres behind the common phenomena of life; but he was not disinterested enough to value impressions, sensations, and beauties of narration for their own sake.

H. P. Lovecraft, “Supernatural Horror in Literature”

Lovecraftian literature is often transgressive by literary standards. Many works are not stories or plot-driven narratives in any conventional sense, and individual works have sometimes been called prose poems or mood pieces. This is fitting when you think of Lovecraft’s assertion that the weird phenomenon was the center of the story, rather than any central character—something that can be seen in “The Dunwich Horror” or “The Call of Cthulhu.”

“One Morning in August” (2023) by Cassandra Daucus is little more than a single scene, like the prelude to a post-apocalyptic film. Like many Lovecraftian tales, there isn’t much to the plot, characterization is limited, and the focus is on the weird phenomenon more than anything else. Yet there is also something Lynchian in its construction, the establishment of that “American weirdness” that Lovecraft noted in Poe, the buried emotions and resignations that underlay everyday life.

August was always hot as sin, and Bea had been disappointed to discover that the heat would redden her skin on the Nebraskan prairie even more than it did back in Boston

Cassandra Daucus, “One Morning in August”

There is that sense of loss and regret in Bea, who if not our main character is at least our prime witness for what is about to happen. The establishing shot of Bea is reminiscent of Christina’s World (1948) by Andrew Wyeth, with its vast open sky and unspoken longings. The setting, a sod house on the Nebraskan prairie, is as much part of the story as Dunwich is for “The Dunwich Horror.”

“Get in the cellar! It’s a tornado!”

James dragged her towards the house. Bea kept her eyes on the sky and allowed her gaze to drift, just in time to see the cloud over town extend a long, dark finger towards the ground. When it touched, a puff of dust exploded into the air.

Cassandra Daucus, “One Morning in August”

While the characters in the story grope toward rational explanations, like the characters in Algernon Blackwood’s “The Willows,” it doesn’t really work when what’s going on is inherently irrational. The reactions of characters in a horror movie only occur because they do not know they are in a horror movie; it is the audience who knows going in that the situation is not normal, who has seen films and read books like this before and is familiar with the tropes.

In other hands, “One Night in August” could have been extended in any number of ways. Like a low-budget film that quickly corrals all of its characters into a single room, an entire long drama could have been played out in the cellar as Bea and her family wait for things to pass and the sun to shine again. Tensions could rise, long-buried emotions could come to the surface, the seedy underbelly of the family could have been exposed and brought to light like a vivisected frog, its limbs pinned, guts on display for curious children to poke at. Instead, Daucus opts for a swifter ending, a more overt horror, a swifter destruction. Nothing wrong with that, it’s an artistic choice.

If there’s a criticism to be made about the story, it’s that some of the tropes are a little too familiar. For much of the story, Bea is framing things through her own perspective, but near the end of the tale things shift into a kind of gear normally only seen in Italian horror movies in the 1970s and 80s. While it is weird to think of it this way, we as a culture have developed a thematic language for cosmic sin. The idea that something from outside wants or needs a sacrifice, that it requires a priest or cult to serve those wants and needs…it would have been been more horrific in many ways if it had the raging, uncaring, impersonal destruction of a tornado. Something that couldn’t be bargained with, or fought, too alien to be cruel.

But all she could do was feel it happen.

Cassandra Daucus, “One Morning in August”

What works about this story is that it is a cut gem. While it may tie in thematically to a whole corpus of Lovecraftian literature, it stands on its own quite well as an effort to define a single mood in a single scene. Complete unto itself.

“One Morning in August” (2023) by Cassandra Daucus was published by Psychotoxin Press, and can be purchased here.


Bobby Derie is the author of Weird Talers: Essays on Robert E. Howard and Others and Sex and the Cthulhu Mythos.

Batman and Robin in The Occult Coven (197?)

Eldritch Fappenings

This review deals with a work of pornography, and the history of erotic art and writing. As part of this review, selected images with cartoon depictions of genitalia and/or sexually explicit contact will be displayed.
As such, please be advised before reading further.


The history of underground comix is necessarily (and often deliberately) vague, but it is a truism that these non-traditional comics often take their inspiration from more traditional peers. The Tijuana bibles (8-pagers, bluesies, etc.) that began to appear in the 1920s or 1930s often took as their subject then-current celebrities or characters from popular comic strips like Popeye, Blondie, and The Phantom. The earliest comic book magazines were nothing more than collections of newspaper strips, although by the end of the 1930s they became original works with their own characters in the recognizable format that still survives today.

Tijuana bibles were explicitly pornographic and often used characters owned by others; as a consequence they were broadly illegal, sold under-the-counter, and the artists and publishers left off dates, names, and other information. As a consequence, dating of many such underground works is often approximate, and in some cases relies on context clues. A Tijuana bible starring The Phantom, for example, could not date before 17 February 1936 when the first daily comic strip starring that character was published; there could be no pornographic depiction of Superman before June 1938 when Action Comics #1 was published, no Batman before Detective Comics #27 (March 1939), no Robin before Detective Comics #38 (April 1940), etc. That still leaves a rather open question as to period of publication, but sometimes the field can be narrowed down further by changes of costume that reflect a given artist’s run.

A sample of Tijuana Bibles featuring comic book characters from the 1930s-1950s.

Such is the case with “Batman and Robin in The Occult Coven,” a 8-page story that was published in Filthy Sunday Funnies (no date or publisher given), which is also published in Original Dirty Comics 2. This is not a Tijuana bible in the traditional 8-pager format, although it is a later work in the same vein of pornographic satire and parody; Filthy Sunday Funnies was one of a number of small side-stapled digest-sized collections of adult comics that were around the same price point (mostly $5) and format, indicating a common publisher…other titles including Trash Comics, Jolly Time Fun Book, Original Dirty Comics, Sexotic Comics, Raunchy Tales from the Arabian Nights, and Gwendoline in “Sin Island.” Some of these are reprints of older Tijuana bibles, others are apparently original works by various unnamed artists.

Some of these works can be roughly attributed to various known artists based on style or character. The Gwendoline collection, for example, involves the character created by John Willie; a gender-bending riff on Jekyll & Hyde in Trash Comics has the hallmarks of John Blackburn. At least one comic references the San Francisco Ball, an adult-oriented independent newspaper from the 1970s that included pornographic comics with an emphasis on parody and satire, including comic book superheroes; Filthy Sunday Funnies may reprint material from the pages of that newspaper, but indexing for the San Francisco Ball is basically non-existent.

Among the artists who did comics for the San Francisco Ball was Lee Carvel, who released several collections of adult comics work, including several parodies of 70s comic book characters, titled Lee Carvel’s Dirty Comics. An online entry for Lee Carvel’s Dirty Comics #2 lists “Batman and Robin in the Occult Coven” among the contents, but that entry is almost identical to another, unsigned collection Original Dirty Comics #3—which does contain “The Occult Coven.” However, it’s known that Carvel signed some of his work—such as “Gonad the Horney” (a Conan the Barbarian spoof)—and none of his signed works Best of San Francisco Ball Comics #1 show similarities to “Batman and Robin in the Occult Coven,” though some other unsigned works do.

Part of the complication is that because pornographic comics were illegal to sell and often used copyrighted characters, they were almost never copyrighted, nor could the creator or publisher enforce their copyright without revealing their identity. As a consequence, pirating was rampant. There are already three possible printings of “Batman and Robin in the Occult Coven” and it isn’t clear which was the original (if any of them are), and which are reprints or pirated editions.

Faced with bibliographic confusion and lack of printing dates, we have to rely on internal evidence to date “Batman and Robin in The Occult Coven.” Given cultural references (parodies of Star Trek, The Lone Ranger, and contemporary superheroes, etc.) the other comics in the collection Filthy Sunday Funnies can be roughly dated to anywhere from the 1960s to the 1970s—but for “The Occult Coven” we can go a step further, as the unnamed artist took deliberate inspiration from a particularly recognizable work.

DC Comics’ character Batman had received his own title starting in 1940; by the 1970s it had become a 52-page anthology magazine, often with a lead story, back-up story, and sometimes a reprint. The editor was Julius Schwartz, who as a teenage fan had been an agent for a couple of Lovecraft’s stories to Astounding and published material about him as fanzines, Batman #241 (14 March 1972) features a distinctive cover by Neal Adams (pencils), Bernie Wrightson (inks), and Gaspar Saladino (lettering):

The artist also “swiped” other panels from the same issue and story, for example:

The really interesting part for Mythos fans is the back-up story in Batman #241 is “Secret of the Psychic Siren!” by Mike Freidrich (writer) and Rich Buckler (pencils & inks), where Robin and his telepathic girlfriend Terri Bergstrom run afoul of the cult of Cthulhu. While the Batman comics have long tipped their hat to Lovecraft with Arkham Asylum, this storyline was decades before The Doom That Came To Gotham, a more explicitly Cthulhu Mythos story published starring the Caped Crusader. There are no tentacles waved about, the Necronomicon is mentioned but never appears; the cult-leader is aware that Lovecraft was a pulp writer and might just be insane.

Batman #241 (1972)

The narrative ends on a cliffhanger; finished up in the story “Death-Point!” next issue (Batman #242, June 1972) by the same creative team, though Dick Giordano inks over Buckler’s pencils. The storyline would mark the last appearance of Terri Bergstrom, and connections to the wider DC universe are pretty much minimal. The Cthulhu cult is little more than an Easter egg tossed out for fans of Lovecraft and the Mythos…but it obviously fired the imagination of at least one would-be pornographer.

“Batman and Robin in The Occult Coven” is a blatant riff off of “Secret of the Psychic Siren!”; the distinctive cover is virtually traced, and there are a number of swipes throughout the 16-page pornographic parody. While the eponymous coven is not explicitly worshipping Cthulhu—they are more focused on sex and murder—it is clearly based on the Cthulhu-worshippers.

While the sex is explicit, Batman is a little stiffly posed—”Secret of the Psychic Siren!” was a Robin-only story, so the Batman character swipes came from somewhere else. The artist apparently took delight in putting some salty language in Batman’s mouth. The strong influence of Batman #241 on the story makes it clear that “Batman and Robin in The Occult Coven” couldn’t have been produced before 1972, and probably dates to the mid-1970s. That might make this one of the first Lovecraftian pornographic comics, although still a bit later than “Tales of the Leather Nun’s Grandmother” by Jaxon in Tales from the Leather Nun (1972).

There is no easily accessible reprint of “Batman and Robin in The Occult Coven” as far as I can find. However, those who want to read “The Secret of the Psychic Siren!” are in luck, as the story and its sequel were republished in Showcase Presents: Robin the Boy Wonder #1 (2008) and Robin: The Bronze Age Omnibus (2020)


Bobby Derie is the author of Weird Talers: Essays on Robert E. Howard and Others and Sex and the Cthulhu Mythos.

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Deeper Cut: Hart Crane

And saw thee dive to kiss that destiny

Like one white meteor, sacrosanct and blent

At last with all that’s consummate and free

There, where the first and last gods keep thy tent.

Hart Crane, “The Dance,” part of The Bridge (1930), in Hart Crane: Complete Poems & Selected Letters 47

H. P. Lovecraft did not rub shoulders with Ernest Hemingway in Key West; did not correspond with F. Scott Fitzgerald or Gertrude Stein. If he argued with Henry Miller over a bookstall in Brooklyn, or sipped coffee in an automat across from Dorothy Parker, we have no record of it. Lovecraft’s brushes with the famous literary names of his day were few and brief, and the most notable of these encounters was with the gay poet Hart Crane.

On 21 July 1899, Grace Edna Hart Crane gave birth to Harold Hart Crane, her only child. Her husband was Clarence A. Crane, a successful businessman. Their relationship was rocky, and ended with divorce in 1917, the young Hart Crane living with his mother in Cleveland. The circumstances of Hart Crane’s life at this point offer some superficial similarities with Lovecraft’s own: both young men lived with mothers who suffered nervous breakdowns, both were unprepared for college and largely autodidacts who read voluminously; poetry and literature were overwhelming passions, and money was a pressing concern. However, the similarities break down in detail. By age 18, Crane had already attempted suicide and had his first homosexual experience; his father was alive, and if Crane didn’t always get along with him, they had a relationship; and while Crane struggled to hold a steady job he did try everything from working in a munitions plant during the Great War to writing copy for an advertising agency to working for his father’s candy business.

Samuel Loveman, the amateur journalist, poet, and bookman, recalled meeting Crane in Cleveland in 1919, shortly after Loveman had been discharged from the army (Out of the Immortal Night (2nd ed.) 315). Loveman and Crane became friends, bonding with their mutual love of books and poetry (they were also both gay, though there is no indication they were ever lovers). Despite Prohibition, Crane had begun to drink, and alcohol and conversation flowed easily in the literary and artistic crowd that he moved in.

Among his friends, there was a steady round of parties. Every time one of the Cleveland artists or writers had a visitor, the entire group was called together. One such visitor was the poet James Daly, a friend of Charles Harris’s, and another was H. P. Lovecraft, the writer of horror stories and weird tales, who came to see Sam Loveman and Alfred Galpin and who described for this aunts in Providence, Rhode Island, the Loveman-Crane-Sommer-Lescaze circle

Voyager: A Life of Hart Crane 256

Cleveland, August 1922

H. P. Lovecraft had encountered Samuel Loveman’s poetry in amateur journals c.1915, and in 1917 he wrote to Loveman, coaxing him back into amateur journalism and beginning a correspondence—despite the fact that Loveman was Jewish and Lovecraft antisemitic, the two became good friends. Loveman and Lovecraft finally met in New York City in 1922, as guests of Sonia H. Greene, who hoped that Lovecraft’s encounters with them both would disprove his antisemitic notions (The Private Life of H. P. Lovecraft (1985)). It didn’t work, but they all became fast friends, and in 1922 Loveman invited Lovecraft to Cleveland. Lovecraft’s letters to his aunt detail the trip, although his mention of Hart Crane is brief:

We held a meeting here of all the members of Loveman’s literary circle, at which the conversation covered every branch fo aesthetics. […] I met some new figures—Crane the poet, Lazar[e], an ambitious literary student now in the army, & a delightful young fellow named Carroll Lawrence […]

Tonight Galpin, Crane, I, & a fellow I have not yet met are going to a concert held in the art museum building. Great days!!

H. P. Lovecraft to Lillian D. Clark, 9 Aug 1922, Letters to Family & Family Friends 1.54, 55

This was probably a program at the Cleveland Museum of Art, possibly under the direction of Ernest Bloch of the Cleveland Institute of Music, whom Hart Crane mentions in several letters (cf. Out of the Immortal Night (2nd ed.) 392-393). Lovecraft did not go into detail about the crowd he was hanging out with to his aunt, but in a later letter he particularly recalled:

Mention of S. L. reminds me of this Hatfield person. To be sure, I recall him! Dear, dear! how he used to sit cross-legged on the floor at Eglin’s, little white sailor’s cap tucked gracefully under one arm, sport shirt open at the neck, gazing soulfully up at Samuelus and discoursing of the arts and harmonies of life! I’m afraid he thought me a very crude, stupid, commonplace, masculine sort of persons—and am indeed surprised that he recalled me! Hatfield and Crane were mortal enemies, and it use to be amusing to watch them when they met by accident, each trying to humiliate the other by veiled thrusts and conversational subtleties hardly intelligible to an uninitiated third person. And so he has hit the big town! Here’s hoping it will be kind to him, and not crush his flower-like delicacy!

H. P. Lovecraft to Frank Belknap Long, 8 Jan 1924, Selected Letters 1.281-282

Eglin’s was a Cleveland bookstore where Samuel Loveman (“S.L.” above) was employed; Gordon Hatfield was a minor composer and, apparently openly homosexual or possibly displayed “camp” mannerisms. In another letter, Lovecraft was less discreet:

Have you seen that precious sissy Gordon Hatfield, that I met in Cleveland? [Frank] Belknap [Long] says he’s hit the big town, U that he’s had some conversation with him. When I saw that marcelled what is it I didn’t know whether to kiss it or kill it! I t used to sit cross-legged on the floor at Elgin’s & gaze soulfully upward at Loveman. It didn’t like me & Galpin—we was too horrid, rough & mannish for it!

H. P. Lovecraft to James F. Morton, 8 Jan 1924, Letters to James F. Morton 63

How much Crane disliked Hatfield is unclear; Crane’s letters barely mention Hatfield at all. However, Samuel Loveman weighed in on the subject during an interview:

But during that period there was a very rich young man whom I had known in Cleveland, alienated from his family and made much of by an aunt who lived in a cottage on the lot where they lived. […] His name was Gordon Hatfield. He was of the troiseme sex, but he absolutely never approached me and never referred to it. But I knew what was going on. […] Hart knew [Gordon Hatfield]. Hart disliked him, he disliked Hart. Because he didn’t like Hart’s action when he was drunk. Hart was boisterous, and since many of these people were like porcelain figures, Hart was like a bull in a china shop when he came there. He grabbed. There was no end to it. […] But Gordon liked me, liked my company because he sought it. He was completely different from Hart.

“Conversations with Sam” in Out of the Immortal Night (2nd ed.) 465-466

The contrast between Hart Crane and Gordon Hatfield led to an interesting comparison in Lovecraft’s account:

. . . . . Alfredus never spoke a harsh word to the creature, but I suppose he couldn’t conceal the contempt of an ultra-masculine personality for such attenuated exquisteness. Alfie, you know, has no nonsense about him, but is a gruff reg’lar feller with disordered hair, clothes likely to be out of press, and a brusqueness of gesture and expression which says more than harsh words . . . . On the whole, I think my Alfredus-grandchild can show contempt without words better than any other living mortal. Then too, Galpin unmistakable liked Crane—though acquainted in advance with the darkest side of his character—better than he did the sisters. Crane has at least the external appearance and actions of a man, and for that much Alfredus respected him. Crane didn’t like Alfredus, as that precocious child soon learnt through the mediation of Samuelus, but he was not so intolerable a spectacle as his mincing foes. On the whole, Alfie didn’t make much of a hit in Cleveland, because the gang there were affected and sissified to the last degree–sentimental, emotional, and given to absurd expressions of the arts they studied in the lives they led.

H. P. Lovecraft to Frank Belknap Long, Feb 1924, Selected Letters 1.291-292

“The darkest side of his character” and “at least the external appearance and actions of a man” is the only suggestion in all of Lovecraft’s correspondence that he might have been aware that Hart Crane was gay. Loveman himself confirmed Lovecraft’s perception of Crane’s demeanor, noting about Crane that “He prided himself on his appearance of masculinity” (Hart Crane: A Conversation with Samuel Loveman 21), and expanded on that in another interview:

[John Unterecker]: You told me also about his once telling you that he deliberately schooled himself to appear masculine.

SL: He told me once . . . Now, Hart was a very masculine person. He smoked cigars. He chewed tobacco—I thought an abominable vice, a filthy vice—and spat, and it was revolting. But had had a stride, a very masculine stride. So he told me that he deliberately, as you say, schooled himself to adopt this to avoid any feeling of resentment against him on the score of masculinity or non-masculinity. […] He could not tolerate feminine people.

“Conversations with Sam” in Out of the Immortal Night (2nd ed.) 402

Prejudices surrounding non-gender-conforming and non-heterosexuality in the 1920s were blatant and pervasive, and the distinction between feminine behavior and homosexuality was often blurred in public understanding. Lovecraft’s reaction was not uncommon, and violence was a perpetual threat that LGBTQ+ folks lived with. Whether Crane’s posture was a defensive one to protect himself from discrimination, or an aspect of his identity, in Lovecraft and Galpin’s case it seemed to work. Despite Hart Crane’s sexuality, Lovecraft appeared to have no difficulty interacting with him during their brief encounters, at least not on that score.

In 1948, Loveman gave his own brief account of Lovecraft’s visit:

He visited me in Cleveland, where I procured a room for him close to where I lived. There were wonderful walks at night and a marvellously brilliant but solid exchange of conversations. I had, in Cleveland, become the friend of Hart Crane, and it is one of the singular occurrences among not a few in my life, that these two men of genius met on a personal basis. Neither cared for the other. Crane demoded Lovecraft old-fashioned and the soul of pedantry; Lovecraft, on the other hand, sardonically and not without mimicry, disparaged Crane’s modernity as well as his morality. Both settled with tolerance for one another, during an entire evening devoted to a coruscating glorification of the heavenly comsogeny; Lovecraft’s knowledge of astronomy was phenomenal.

Samuel Loveman, “Howard Phillips Lovecraft” (1948), in Ave Atque Vale 90

In this snapshot account, Loveman leaves out mention of Alfred Galpin, whose own account of the trip in his memoir of Lovecraft adds a few details, particularly about his own interactions with Crane, but on the Lovecraft/Crane interaction Galpin does more to address Loveman than add anything new:

In his own memoir in Something about Cats, Loveman mentions that Howard and Crane were mutually rather hostile that summer, Howard disapproving of Crane’s morals (of which Loveman had prudently warned me before I came). I had rather the impression that Loveman had not even mentioned them to H. P. L.; if he did, it would have made little difference, for any suggestion of sex seemed equally repugnant to Howard. […] At any rate, with respect to Crane, I recall no expression of distate on Howard’s part, and considering the lengths to which he permitted himself to go in berating modernism in writing, I feel that he was quite cordial in his attitude; one should remember also that, of course, Crane took no particular interest in Howard, who was at this time accustomed to a select circle of friends, most of whom tended to adulate him.

Alfred Galpin, “Memories of a Friendship” (1959), in Ave Atque Vale 200

The best that can be said is a general agreement that while Lovecraft and Crane were polar opposites in many ways, they had friends in common and could be cordial to one another—a cordiality that would extend to their next encounters.

New York, 1924-1925

In March of 1923, Hart Crane left Cleveland and his mother to live in New York City. A year later in March 1924, H. P. Lovecraft moved from Providence, R. I. to New York to marry Sonia H. Greene and try his luck in the great metropolis. Lovecraft knew from Loveman’s letters that Crane was in New York (Letters to Maurice W. Moe and Others 498), but the two had no reason to seek each other out and apparently did not encounter one another right away. Another mutual friend, the bookseller George Kirk, moved from Cleveland to New York in August 1924. As Lovecraft reported to his aunt:

Most of Loveman’s friends, including George Kirk, Hart Crane, and Gordon Hatfield, are already in the metropolis; and he now means to follow—fortified by the virtual certainty of the literary success and recognition for which he has so long striven.

H. P. Lovecraft to Lillian D. Clark, 1 Aug 1924, Letters to Family & Family Friends 1.144

While literary success might not have been guaranteed, Loveman did soon arrive in New York (c. 8 Sep 1924, Letters to Family & Family Friends 1.156). Not long after Loveman got settled, Lovecraft took his friend to see the sights, which involved a great deal of tromping into the early hours of the morning. This was reported in the first of the few references to Lovecraft in Crane’s published letters:

I have just come back from a breakfast with Sam, and he has left to spend the rest of the day with the widow of Edgar Saltus (whom you must have heard him talk about enough to identify). I have been greeted so far mostly by his coat tails, so occupied has Sambo been with numerous friends of his here ever since arriving; Miss Sonia Green and her piping-voiced husband, Howard Lovecraft, (the man who visited Sam in Cleveland one summer when Galpin was also there) kept Sam traipsing around the slums and wharf streets until four this morning looking for Colonial specimens of architecture, and until Sam tells me he groaned with fatigue and begged for the subway!

Hart Crane to Grace Crane & Elizabeth Belden Hart, 14 Sep 1924, Hart Crane: Complete Poems & Selected Letters 396
Also published in: Letters of Hart Crane and His Family 342-343, The Letters of Hart Crane 1916-1932 187, and Oh My Land My Friends: The Selected Letters of Hart Crane 195

There are no diary-like letters from Lovecraft during most of September 1924, but he alludes to this incident in a later letter, where Lovecraft encountered Crane again:

After dinner we walked down to the Brooklyn Heights section to call on his friend Hart Crane in Columbia Heights, with whom he had stopped till he moved up to Kirk’s in 106th St., Manhattan. […] We found Crane in & sober—but boasting over the two-day spree he had just slept off, during which he had been picked up dead drunk from the street in Greenwich Village by the eminent modernist poet E. E. Cummings—whom he knows well—& put in a homeward taxi. Poor Crane! I hope he’ll sober up with the years, for there’s really good stuff & a bit of genius in him. He is a genuine poet of a sort, & his excellent taste is reflected in the choice of objets d’art with which he has surrounded himself. I would give much for a certain Chinese ivory box of his, with panels exquisitely carved into delicate pastoral scenes in high relief—every detail of landscape & foliage standing out with that absolute beauty & amateurly assured perfection for which the best Chinese art is distinguished. After some conversation we all went out for a scenic walk through the ancient narrow hill streets that wind about the Brooklyn shore. There is a dark charm in the decaying waterfront, & the culmination of our tour was the poor old Fulton Ferry, which we reached about 9 o’clock, in the best season to enjoy the flaming arc of Brooklyn Bridge in conjunction with the constellation of Manhattan lights across the river, & the glimmering beacons of slow-moving shipping on the lapping tides. […] Thence we returned to Crane’s, threading more old streets, & incidentally looking up rooms for Loveman in Columbia Heights. […] I can’t, though—& I think I’ll get in touch with Crane and ask him about the smaller $5.00-per-wk. Rooms which he was likewise recommending to Samuelus.

Leaving Crane’s about 10:30,Samuelus & I proceeded to the subway, crossed the river, emerged at Wall St., & prepared to finish that nocturnal tour of colonial sights which his fatigue cut short last September.

H. P. Lovecraft to Lillian D. Clark, 4 Nov 1924, Letters to Family & Family Friends 1.190-191

The room was 110 Columbia Heights, in Brooklyn; the same room where, by coincidence, Washington Roebling had watched the construction of the Brooklyn Bridge, and where Crane would conceive and begin to write his modernist epic The Bridge. The drinking binge Crane supposedly bragged about is not attested in his letters, but there are many anecdotes of Crane’s drunken antics in memoirs and biographies.

The reference to the hunt for cheap rooms or apartments is also typical; in a letter to his mother dated 20 April 1924, Crane mentioned “What I pay here is about the lowest on record,—six dollars a week. The back room will cost 2 more, but that will be very reasonable.” (“Hart Crane and His Mother: A Correspondence” in Salmagundi #9 (Spring 1969), 85). In another letter, where separation with his wife was imminent and Lovecraft needed an apartment of his own while she was out-of-town, he remarked:

In that latter case, the neighbourhood of Brooklyn Heights—where Hart Crane lives, & which I shewed to A E P G—would appeal most strongly to me.

H. P. Lovecraft to Lillian D. Clark, 17 Nov 1924, Letters to Family & Family Friends 1.222

Loveman would, at various times, live in the same building in Columbia Heights as Crane and with Lovecraft at 169 Clinton Street. Hart Crane, writing home, would note wryly:

It’s amusing how Sam has finally got all his circle, including Kirk and Lovecraft, located over here now, right nearby. I really think he’s as happy as he ever will be, and he wants to be a little miserable, you know.

Hart Crane to Grace Crane, 29 Jan 1925, Letters of Hart Crane and His Family 387

During this time in New York, Lovecraft met Crane at least a few more times. The exact number is a little unclear; Hart Crane’s letters of the period are not encyclopedic, and Lovecraft’s letters, for all that they were often detailed day-by-day entries to his aunts in Providence, still have a few gaps. However, Lovecraft’s 1925 diary lists two encounters, the first of which is:

[26] up noon–Tel. Mrs. Long Sonny call–GK call–RK call–SL with Keats Mask–Leeds–out for walk over bridge to Downing St–closed–Sheridan Sq–Crane–back to 169–Lamb meeting–Sonny lv.–all adjourn Scotch Bakery–SL lv. Disperse–write and retire (rest)

Lovecraft 1925 Diary, Apr 1925, Collected Essays 5.157

There are two accounts of apocryphal meetings between Crane and Lovecraft. One is recounted by John Wilstach in “The Ten-Cent Ivory Tower” (1946), and is probably fictitious; the other is by Frank Belknap Long, Jr., which deserves consideration:

Loveman, Howard, and F. B. L. dropping in at a cafeteria on Seventh Avenue for coffee and doughnuts, a rather stocky figure arising from a table near the door.

“Howard, how are you? Sam didn’t tell me you were in New York!”

“Good evening, Hart.”

That tied it! I had never met Hart Crane, but that afternoon, at the library, Sam had showed me one of his poems in manuscript.

Howard had never seemed more depressed—he was writing such lines as these: “My coming to New York had been a mistake; for whereas I had looked for poignant wonder and inspiration I found only a sense of horror and oppression. Instead of the poems I had hoped for there came only a shuddering blankness and ineffable loneliness.”

His pallor and emaciation that night were alarming, and as he shook hands with Crane a line from the poem I had read at the library (I remembered Sam’s words as he handed me the poem–“Here’s something by Hart. You’ve never seen his stuff, have you?”)—a line from the poem flashed across my mind: “And when they’ve dragged your weary flesh through Baltimore—did you betray the ticket, Poe?”

It strains coincidence, but it happened, it happened—and I’m setting it down for the record because it sems somehow tremendously significant. That line actually crossed my mind, and at the time I thought: “No greater single line was ever written about Poe?”

Now consider this. I never saw Crane again, and neither did Howard. (Howard had met Crane briefly in Cleveland two years previously.) Both men were completely unknown at the time. Both now seem destined to have a place in American letters. Samuel Loveman, who was present at that meeting, knew Bierce, knew George Sterling (21 Letters of Ambrose Bierce: Published by George Kirk, circa 1927—a voluminous correspondence with Sterling, with whom I had also corresponded). Crane was a boyhood friend of Loveman’s. Crane professed to admire Poe above all other figures in American literature. Upon Howard’s shoulders the mantle of Poe had indubitably descended. The inner circle of his friends sensed it even then. […]

Frank Belknap Long, “Some Random Memories of H. P. L.” (1944) in Marginalia 334-335

The situation is plausible: Loveman was friends with Lovecraft, Crane, and Long, and Lovecraft mentioned in his letters how he would go out to cafeterias and automats with his friends. However, the timing is a bit hinky. Crane certainly knew that Lovecraft was in New York since September 1924 (because of the letter that mentions Lovecraft dated 14 Sep 1924, quoted above). The quoted passage from is from Lovecraft’s “He” was probably not written until August 1925. The line from Crane’s poetry which Long misquotes comes from section VII of The Bridge, which reads:

And when they dragged your retching flesh,

Your trembling hands that night through Baltimore—

That light night on the ballot rounds, did you,

Shaking, did you deny the ticket, Poe?

Hart Crane, “The Tunnel,” part of The Bridge (1930), in Hart Crane: Complete Poems & Selected Letters 69

It is known that Crane was editing “The Tunnel” in 1926 (The Letters of Hart Crane 1916-1932 274-275), so he must have written it earlier, probably in 1925; it isn’t impossible that Loveman had access to an earlier version in manuscript. On the face of it, this presents a contradiction, since Long claims the meeting occurred in 1924. Possibly, after twenty years, Long’s memory became slightly confused. It’s not implausible for Long to have met Lovecraft and Crane at a cafeteria, it’s just that the details don’t quite match up. A much more well-attested meeting is mentioned in Lovecraft’s diary later in 1925:

[14] up early–write letters–out to barber’s–back & downtown–see SL & MK–RK arr–dinner automat–sub. To 169–with dishes &c. Via Scotch Bakery to SL’s. Morton there. Crane drop in–discussion–out for coffee–refreshments–wash dishes & discuss, pack up & disperse–in 169 & write–retire [In margin: RAIN]

Lovecraft 1925 Diary, Oct 1925, Collected Essays 5.170

Lovecraft gave an account of this in his letter:

At one time Loveman had a caller in the person of his bibulous fellow-poet Hart Crane, (formerly of Cleveland) who was just back from the country & only about ¼ “lit up” by his beloved booze. Poor Crane! A real poet & man of taste, descendant of an ancient Connecticut family & a gentleman to the finger-tips, but the slave of dissipated habits which will soon ruin both his constitution & his still striking handsomeness! Crane left after about an hour, & the meeting proceeded.

H. P. Lovecraft to Lillian D. Clark, 15 Oct 1925, Letters to Family & Family Friends 1.448

This was the last account in Lovecraft’s diaries or letters of Crane during the time they both lived in New York, and for part of that period (1924-1926), Crane had returned to Cleveland and visited friends in Pawling, New York (“Tory Hill”—the country spot Lovecraft had mentioned).

A Final Meeting, 1930

Samuel Loveman was the sole factor that had brought Lovecraft and Crane together in 1922, and during the 1924-1925. Yet in 1926 Lovecraft left New York to return to Providence, and Crane was already off on a series of voyages, from the Isle of Pines to California and France, passing through New York periodically. Hart Crane’s career as a poet can be said to have taken off with the publication of White Buildings (1926) and The Bridge (1930). Yet drinking and solicitation formed two of Crane’s continued vices; borrowing money and drunken antics alienated his friends; the revelation of his homosexuality to his mother occasioned a break from her. All of these issues dogged Crane and sapped his creative energies.

Yet Lovecraft had not forgot Crane, and mentions him a few times in his letters:

Loveman knows this Allen Tate—or is at least slightly acquainted with him. He is, I believe, one of the Greenwich Village clique of which Hart Crane, E. E. cummings, & Waldo Frank are other members—not a very promising milieu for the rendering of Baudelaire.

H. P. Lovecraft to Clark Ashton Smith, 5 Jun 1929, Dawnward Spire, Lonely Hill 176

Lovecraft even noted the publication of The Bridge:

I note the item about Hart Crane’s new poem with much interest, since Crane is a friend of my friend Samuel Loveman. He comes from Cleveland, & when sober—as he is once or twice a year–is an admirably attractive chap. I have met him several times, for he lived in Brooklyn when I did—having a room in an old house on the harbour side of Columbia Heights, within sight of the spidery arc of Brooklyn Bridge, which formed the subject of his then-nascent chef d’ouevre. If he doesn’t die of delirium tremens before another decade is over, he will form one of the standard figures in the poetry of the younger generation. He is part of the semi-Greenwich-Village crowd which includes E. E. Cummings, Waldo Frank, John Dos Passos, & other well-known modernists.

H. P. Lovecraft to Elizabeth Toldridge, 24 Apr 1930, Letters to Elizabeth Toldridge 143

It happened that in May 1930, Lovecraft was passing through New York and visiting Samuel Loveman when Hart Crane arrived. What followed was their last meeting, and perhaps Lovecraft’s best picture of the poet:

About 8 o’clock the bell rang, & there appeared that tragically drink-riddled but now eminent friend of Loveman’s whom I met in Cleveland in 1922, & once or twice later in New York—the poet Hart Crane, whose new book, “The Bridge”, has made him one of the most celebrated & talked-of figures of contemporary American letters. He had been scheduled to speak over the radio during the evening; but a shipwreck off the coast (demanding the use of the ether for important messages) had cut off all local radio programmes & left him free. When he entered, his discourse was of alcoholics in various phases—& of the correct amount of whiskey one ought to drink in order to speak well in public—but as soon as a bit of poetic & philosophic discussion sprang up, this sordid side of his strange dual personality slipped off like a cloak, & left him as a man of great scholarship, intelligence, & aesthetic taste, who can argue as interestingly & profoundly as anyone I have ever seen. Poor devil–he has “arrived” at last as a standard American poet seriously regarded by all reviewers & critics; yet at the very crest of his fame he is on the verge of psychological, physical, & financial disintegration, & with no certainty of ever having the inspiration to write a major work of literature again. After about three hours of acute & intelligent argument poor Crane left—to hunt up a new supply of whiskey & banish reality for the rest of the night! He gets to be a nuisance now & then, dropping in on Loveman for sympathy & encouragement, but Loveman is too conscious of his tragic importance & genuine genius as a man of letters to be harsh or brusque toward him. His case is surely a sad one—all the more so because of his great attainments & of the new fame which he is so ill-fitted to carry for any considerable time. He looks more weather-beaten & drink-puffed than he did in the past, though the shaving off of his moustache has somewhat improved him. He is only 33, yet his hair is nearly white. Altogether, his case is almost like that of Baudelaire on a vastly smaller scale. “The Bridge” really is a thing of astonishing merit. In connexion with this poem—which is on Brooklyn Bridge—a very surprising coincidence was brought to light. It seems that the house in Columbia Heights where Crane lived in 1924 when beginning the poem *& which I visited with Loveman at the time, my first sight of the illuminated Manhattan skyline being from its roof!) turned out—though he did not know it when he lived there—to be the old Roebling house, where the builder of the bridge dwelt when construction was in progress; & furthermore, that Crane’s own room (a shabby, $7.50 per week affair) was actually the room from which the crippled Washington A. Roebling watched & superintended the work with the aid of a telescope! And to heighten the coincidence, Crane swears that he finished the poem (while in Jamaica, knowing nothing of what was happening in the outside world) on the day that Roebling died at his final New Jersey home in 1925 . . . . which also happened to be Crane’s own birthday! Personally, I think the matter of finishing the poem on that date is an imaginative exaggeration of Crane’s although his birthday is certainly the day on which Roebling died. The coincidence of the house is certainly genuine—& it amuses me because my own first glimpse of the bridge & skyline from a window was from Crane’s window—undoubtedly the one which had been Roebling’s! Crane, by the way, was interested to hear of my liking for Charleston; &, though he has never seen it, talked of going there himself as a refuge from a New York he has come to detest. But alas! I fear it would take more than Charleston to bake the alcohol out of him! After Crane’s departure the conversation continued till a late hour—the rain meanwhile having stopped.

H. P. Lovecraft to Lillian D. Clark, 24 May 1930, Letters to Family & Family Friends 2.848-849

Lovecraft’s praise for The Bridge is notable in no small part because Lovecraft was not himself keen on modernist poetry at all, having once written a satire of T. S. Eliot’s “The Waste Land” (1922) titled “Waste Paper: A Poem of Profound Insignificance” (1923). When he read a critique of Crane’s poetry, Lovecraft was obliged to agree:

It is the same tendency which has worked to the advantage of poor Crane & made him such a symbol of the poetic present. I can agree with Mr. Untermeyer regarding Crane’s unintelligibility, & am myself convinced of the unsoundness of any symbolism whose key rests with the author alone. You may have seen an article—largely based on Crane, &including an image-by-image interpretation (furnished by the poet on request) of one of his shorter verses—on this subject some few years ago in Harpers . . . “Poets talking to Themselves”, by Max Eastman. He conceded that Crane’s obscure allusions are not capricious or irresponsible, but expressed strong doubts of the value of associative processes so purely dependent on the contents & workings of one person’s mind.

H. P. Lovecraft to Alfred Galpin, 20 Jun 1930, Letters to Alfred Galpin & Others 332

Perhaps Lovecraft found something in the images of The Bridge that spoke to more than just Crane’s own experience.

Port Mortem, 1932-1937

Hart Crane would apply for a Guggenheim fellowship in August, and with that money would go to Mexico. On the return trip to the United States, Crane would commit suicide on 27 April 1932 by leaping off the cruise ship and into the Gulf of Mexico. Samuel Loveman, who was a close friend of his mother Grace Crane, worked with her to dispose of Hart’s library and belongings, and became literary executor for Hart Crane’s estate. Lovecraft noted:

I lately heard of Contempo from Loveman—they wanted him to do, on very short notice, a critical & biographical sketch of the late poet Hart Crane; (he was practically Crane’s only remaining close friend among normal & wholesome people—Crane’s mother now wants him to edit an edition of her son’s collected shorter pieces) but he decided the proposition was too hurried to be feasible.

H. P. Lovecraft to August Derleth, 12 Jun 1932, Essential Solitude 2.486

Lovecraft himself went on voyages, traveling down to New York to visit friends, and bus trips to the southern United States. Like Ernest Hemingway and Hart Crane, Lovecraft visited Key West on the southern tip of Florida, though he did not stay there. A Christmas visit to Loveman in New York gave Lovecraft physical relics to remember Crane by:

Well—at 1 a.m. I broke away from Middagh St. & returned to 230 . . . . bearing with me two valuable antique gifts which Loveman insisted on my accepting. Wait till you see them! One is a very primitive & prehistoric idol of stone—about 4 inches tall, & meant to lie on is back—found in Mexico, & probably made by the Mayas before their rise to civilisation 4000 or 5000 years ago. The sketch on the left gives an idea of its general nature. The other antique is an equally primitive flint chisel in an ivory handle—from Africa, & perhaps a relique of tribes forgotten by all the world. Both items were the property of poor Hart Crane, & were given by his mother to Loveman. Loveman ought not to be giving them away–but who can stop that generous soul when he sets out to exercise his generosity?

H. P. Lovecraft to Annie Gamwell, 27 Dec 1932, Letters to Family & Family Friends 2.952-953

I also went over to Loveman’s new flat at 17 Middagh Street—where for the first time his various art treasures are adequately display’d. My generous host presented me with two fine museum objects (don’t get envious, O Fellow-Curator!)—to wit, a prehistoric stone eikon from Mexico, & an African flint implement, with primitively graven ivory handle; both from the collection of the late Hart Crane, which Crane’s mother turned over to him.

H. P. Lovecraft to James F. Morton, 12 Jan 1933, Letters to James F. Morton 308

It is not clear if this was a tourist tchotchke or something else that Crane had picked up on his travels; while there is mention of Crane participating in a brief archaeological dig, all they reportedly found were “some very interesting chips and pieces of the true Aztec pottery” and “one of those incredible sharp fragments of obsidian, part of a knife blade” (The Letters of Hart Crane 1916-1932 379-380), neither of which seem to match.

Were these actual artifacts from Crane’s collection? Samuel Loveman would “authenticate” Hart Crane’s sombrero, and Grace Crane would give or sell him Hart Crane’s bookplates, which Loveman would apply to other books and sell as if they came from Hart’s own library. In later life, he developed a reputation for these kinds of swindles, as mentioned by Walter Goldwater, Robert A. Wilson, Joe Nickell, and others. Yet why would Loveman lie to Lovecraft?

Crane continued to pop up occasionally in Lovecraft’s letters throughout the last years of his own life, never often but showing that the poet was not forgotten:

Your defense of personal & clique codes sounds admirable in theory—& of course one cannot be dogmatic one way or the other—but I saw Hart Crane go to pieces little by little in the years after 1922, & reserve the right to maintain an old gentleman’s quizzical skepticism.

H. P. Lovecraft to August Derleth, 7 Apr 1933, Essential Solitude 2.557

And on New Year’s eve he wants me to attend a gathering at his place as I did last year. One of those present will be the mother of the unfortunate Hart Crane. I met her—& Crane’s grandmother also—in Cleveland in 1922. This gathering, I fear, will tend to be something of a bore; but I can’t politely evade it.

H. P. Lovecraft to Annie Gamwell, 26 Dec 1933, Letters to Family & Family Friends 2.957

Later in the evening I started for the New Year gathering at Loveman’s, which was attended largely by the same group that was there last year. The mother of the late Hart Crane was present—looking vastly older than when I mer her in Cleveland in 1922.

H. P. Lovecraft to Annie Gamwell, 1 Jan 1934, Letters to Family & Family Friends 2.964

I saw the old year out at the Loveman flat—amidst a small gathering which included the mother of the late poet Hart Crane.

H. P. Lovecraft to Clark Ashton Smith, c.8-11 Jan 1934, Dawnward Spire, Lonely Hill 509

I read some of the Eastman papers in Harper’s a couple of years ago. There is something in what he says—for when a poet gets too subjective & individual he certainly ceases to have a message for anybody else. Poor Hart Crane (his mother, now visibly an old lady, was at Loveman’s New Year’s gathering) probably justified Eastman’s strictures. Did you notice the analysis of “At Melville’s Tomb”? One can hardly do otherwise than concur with Eastman in his estimate.

H. P. Lovecraft to J. Vernon Shea, 4 Feb 1934, Letters to J. Vernon Shea 233

The latter a reference to Max Eastman, “Poets Talking to Themselves,” Harper’s 163, No. 5 (October 1931), which quotes the entirety of Hart Crane’s poem “At Melville’s Tomb” (1926). “Poor Hart Crane” appears to have been Lovecraft’s feeling in truth, for while Lovecraft was a teetotal and homophobic, he seemed to have felt a genuine pity for Crane’s suffering and his end, at least what he knew of it, but not just for Crane himself but what he took Crane to represent: the waste of potential, the decline and degeneration from tremendous promise to self-destruction. In his final reference to Hart Crane in his letters, Lovecraft wrote:

The race will always breed its pitiful odds & ends, & these will always be doubly pitiful when their aberrations are linked with lofty heritage or distinguished intellectual or aesthetic capacity. We weep at a tragedy like the late Hart Crane—but find a saving grain of comedy when aberration is linked with stolidity or mediocrity, as in the case of my unwashed Dunkard caller of an hour ago. What a piece of work is man!

H. P. Lovecraft to Helen V. Sully, 28 Jun 1934, Letters to Wilfred B. Talman 373-374

I will tell you why; so shall my anticipation
prevent your discovery, and your secrecy to the king
and queen moult no feather. I have of late—but
wherefore I know not—lost all my mirth, forgone all
custom of exercises; and indeed it goes so heavily
with my disposition that this goodly frame, the
earth, seems to me a sterile promontory, this most
excellent canopy, the air, look you, this brave
o’erhanging firmament, this majestical roof fretted
with golden fire, why, it appears no other thing to
me than a foul and pestilent congregation of vapours.
What a piece of work is a man! how noble in reason!
how infinite in faculty! in form and moving how
express and admirable! in action how like an angel!
in apprehension how like a god! the beauty of the
world! the paragon of animals! And yet, to me,
what is this quintessence of dust? man delights not
me: no, nor woman neither, though by your smiling
you seem to say so.

William Shakespeare, HAMLET, Act 2, Scene II

Samuel Loveman would survive both of his more famous friends, and would be there at the bedside of Grace Crane during her final hour, as she lamented her son. He was there too when, in accordance with her final wishes, her ashes were released from the Brooklyn Bridge which has become a part of Hart Crane’s memory and legend.

The Literary Afterlife of Lovecraft & Crane

The publication of Lovecraft’s letters has probably done greater service to Hart Crane than vice versa; while there are a number of mentions of Crane, including some detailed accounts of their meetings, in Lovecraft’s correspondence, Crane either did not bother to record his side of the experience or he did and those letters are lost to us. After their deaths, both men achieved a kind of fame that eluded them in life, and once again Samuel Loveman was the bridge between both men, a source of memoirs and reminiscence—although regrettably, most of these happened rather long after their deaths, and Loveman’s recollections are not always so full or detailed as might be hoped. To give an example:

JU: […] Somewhere in here Lovecraft comes in, doesn’t he?

SL: Yes, that was a feud. Hart took a dislike to him, and Lovecraft, as a I said a few minutes ago, was a prig and prissy in his choice of language—you would imagine that the vocabulary of the Queen’s English had been manufactured for him for his sole use. I could see where Hart disliked him.

JU: That was in Cleveland where he first met him.

SL: Yes. Then they came together one evening at my apartment on Colombia Heights with that miraculous view [of] the river and New York, and they began to talk astronomy. Lovecraft was very conversant with the subject, had been writing for years a weekly diatribe on the austere heavens. He discussed it with Hart and Hart listened to him, and I thought to myself, “Well, this should do a lot to cement an acquaintanceship, certainly not a friendship.”

Well, after they left, separately each said to me that both were amazed at one another. I don’t know whether Hart’s attacks on Howard Lovecraft were before or after this incident, as the letters convey in the Brom Weber book, but he certainly attacks him.

JU: Yes, he does. Well, Lovecraft didn’t have any great affectation for Crane.

SL: No, no.

JU: But that first time in Cleveland, Lovecraft did seem to like Crane. Was it Lovecraft and you and someone else… Galpin… went down to hear. . . .

SL: Another prig.

JU: You went to hear a concert of music by [Ernest] Bloch, wasn’t it?

SL: Oh, did I? Well, I’ve forgotten that.

JU: At least there’s a letter that says that you and Galpin and Lovecraft and Hart went to hear this concert.

SL: That has escaped me. You see, what seventy-six years does.

“Conversations with Sam” in Out of the Immortal Night (2nd ed.) 392-393

Yet it was the brush of greatness which interested biographers. Crane’s biographies tend to mention Lovecraft, Lovecraft’s biographies end to mention Crane. The accuracy of these mentions varied considerably. For instance, compare:

Loveman introduced Lovecraft to members of his literary circle. One was (Harold) Hart Crane (1899-1932), who in his short life earned a repute as a major poet. Like Lovecraft, Crane had a monster-mother—sexually frigid, foolish, possessive, erratic, and unpredictable. Crane himself, when sober, was a man of great charm—a fascinating talker and a born storyteller.

Crane was, however, a drunkard and an active homosexual, who cruised bars to pick up sailors and was sometimes beaten up for his pains. Because of his charm, he was always being asked to people’s houses. When he got drunk, however, he became an appalling guest. He would run naked through the house, screaming threats and obscenities; he chased one hostess with a boomerang, trying to brain her. Or he would pick up his host’s furniture, or throw it out the window. During Lovecraft’s visit to Cleveland, however, Crane was on good behavior.

Another member of the circle was Gordon Hatfield, with whom Crane was feuding; the two spent the evening needling each other. Unlike Crane, Hatfield proclaimed his deviation by patently effeminate mannerisms. Lovecraft later wrote: “Have you seen that precious sissy that I met in Cleveland. . . . I didn’t know whether to kiss it or kill it!”

L. Sprague de Camp, H. P. Lovecraft: A Biography 172

H. P. Lovecraft, a Cleveland native, writer of horror stories and Gothic tales, fastidious friend of Sam Loveman’s—that “queer Lovecraft person,” Crane called him—had his own assessment of Crane. He’d known Hart Crane in Cleveland back in 1923, and—seeing him here in New York—noted that he seemed now “a little ruddier, a little puffier, and slightly more moustached.” Neither man really cared for the other, and Crane, with his bristling hair, brawling strength, and fox-glint eyes, no doubt frightened Lovecraft as he frightened others. “An egotistical young aesthete,” Lovecraft noted condescendingly, “who has attained some real recognition in The Dial and other modernist organs, and who has an unfortunate predilection for wine when it is red.”

And five weeks later, in early November, on another visit to 110 Columbia Heights to see Sam Loveman, Lovecraft was surprised to find Crane the legend actually sober, but “boasting over the two-day spree he had just slept off, during which he’d been picked up dead drunk off a street in Greenwich Village by the eminent modernist E. E. Cummings—whom he knows well—and put in a homeward taxi.” Poor Crane, Lovecraft summed up, “I hope he’ll sober up with the years, for there’s really good stuff & a bit of genius in him.” “Who asks for me, the Shelley of my age,/Must lay his heart out for my bed and board.” The words, meant for Crane, are Robert Lowell’s, written thirty years later, and give a better sense than Lovecraft’s of who Crane was, this Catullus redivivus, this stalker of sailors, seducing his prey, then scattering “Uncle Sam’s/phony gold-plated laurels to the birds.”

Crane’s two-day spree, if it happened, would have taken place in late October. After all, he had a way of telling the most outrageous stories on himself deadpan for the sake of people like Lovecraft. In any case, he did not record this spree in the letters he sent home.

Paul Mariani, The Broken Tower: A Life of Hart Crane, 165-166

De Camp tends to distort his subject by emphasizing the most extreme anecdotes; for him, Crane and Lovecraft are both freaks. Mariani is more balanced, though he makes a few mistakes—Lovecraft was a Providence native, for all that he met Crane in Cleveland in 1922—and perhaps it is for the best that when James Franco adapted his biography of Crane into a film project (The Broken Tower, 2011) they left Lovecraft out of it.

In truth, Crane scholars seem most interested when Lovecraft’s letters from New York give a glimpse of Crane during that critical period that might be otherwise lacking, while Lovecraft scholars are more interested in the first encounter in Cleveland. The “kiss it or kill it” moment about the “sissy” Gordon Hatfield is the most explicit statement of homophobia that Lovecraft would ever make in his life, and the whole emphasis on masculine vs. feminine behavior—the confusion of gender identity and sexuality—is critical in understanding Lovecraft’s views on sex and gender.

Much of Lovecraft’s reputation as a homophobe rests on that one encounter in Cleveland. It is not a subject that ever comes up in his relation to Hart Crane in New York, with gay friends like Samuel Loveman or R. H. Barlow, and there are only vague intimations when discussing amateur associates like Elsa Gidlow. While there should be no doubt that Lovecraft was homophobic, the scantiness and diffusiveness of the evidence, spread out as it is over three decades worth of letters, is something that sometimes eludes people—but “kiss it or kill it” is clear, concise, and easy to quote.

To understand Lovecraft’s homophobia is also to understand Crane’s homosexuality. Both men were caught up in the early 20th century ideas of maintaining the appearance of masculinity. They both understood (and misunderstood) the social issues of sexuality and gender identity during the 1920s and 30s, a time when simply being homosexual, or gender non-conforming was often not just illegal and met by violence. While it is easy to quote “kiss it or kill it,” this relationship between their views is something that only emerges from the aggregate whole of their published correspondence—to read not just selected quotes from individual letters, but to understand how both Lovecraft and Crane were acting out their roles within a larger social context.


Bobby Derie is the author of Weird Talers: Essays on Robert E. Howard & Others (2019) and Sex and the Cthulhu Mythos (2014).

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A Short History of the LGBTQ+ Mythos

This is a brief history of Mythos fiction by and about LGBTQ+ people. “Mythos” in this context refers specifically to the artificial mythology created by H. P. Lovecraft and his contemporaries, popularly known as the Lovecraft Mythos, and then extended by subsequent authors as the Cthulhu Mythos. To a much lesser degree, it touches on Lovecraftian fiction and cosmic horror by LGBTQ+ authors, but this is focused much more narrowly on Lovecraft, Cthulhu, & the associated Mythos.


[…] and all the queer things were fixed very strongly in his mind.

H. P. Lovecraft, “The Colour Out of Space”

LGBTQ+ folks have existed throughout history, though changing gender and sexual norms, and shifting understanding of human biology, psychology, and sexuality, have changed how LGBTQ+ folks were historically understand and identified. H. P. Lovecraft, for example, never used the term “transgender” because it hadn’t been coined until several decades after his death, and when he used the term “queer” he meant odd, strange, or weird.

Yet even if Lovecraft didn’t have the same vocabulary to describe LGBTQ+ folks that people do today, they still existed. He met and interacted with them. LGTBQ+ folks had their part to play in his life and the development and dissemination of the Lovecraft Mythos, and after his death LGBTQ+ authors have played an increasing part in the expansion and redefining of the Cthulhu Mythos.

This brief history is primarily a quick history of the involvement of LGTBQ+ folks with the Mythos; it cannot be and does not pretend to be comprehensive, but aims to provide a quick overview of the last century and change.

Lovecraft, Homophobia, & LGBTQ+ (1914-1937)

I guess it is true that homosexuality is a rare theme for novels—partly because public attention was seldom called to it (except briefly during the Wilde period) until a decade ago, & partly because any literary use of it always incurs the peril of legal censorship. As a matter of fact—although of course I always knew that paederasty was a disgusting custom of many ancient nations—I never heard of homosexuality as an actual instinct till I was over thirty…which beats your record! It is possible, I think that this perversion occurs more frequently in some periods than in others—owing to obscure biological & psychological causes. Decadent ages—when psychology is unsettled—seem to favour it. Of course—in ancient times the extent of the practice of paederasty (as a custom which most simply accepted blindly, without any special inclination) cannot be taken as any measure of the extent of actual psychological perversion. Another thing—many nowadays overlook the fact that there are always distinctly effeminate types which are most distinctly not homosexual. I don’t know how psychology explains them, but we all know the sort of damned sissy who plays with girls & who—when he grows up—is a chronic “cake-eater”, hanging around girls, doting on dances, acquiring certain feminine mannerisms, intonations, & tastes, & yet never having even the slightest perversion of erotic inclinations.

H. P. Lovecraft to J. Vernon Shea, 14 Aug 1933, Letters to J. Vernon Shea 146

Homosexuality, bisexuality, transgender and queer identities were publicly, scientifically, and often legally seen as a sexual perversion and mental illness during H. P. Lovecraft’s lifetime (1890-1937), and for some time beyond that. Lovecraft’s experiences with LGBTQ+ folks reflect the social norms, taboos, and medical stigmas that were attached to any sexuality or gender identity that veered away from the heterosexual cisgender norm, and consequently the understanding of these sexualities, identities, and issues was often very poor.

In the quote above, for example, it can clearly be seen that Lovecraft was confusing sexuality and gender identity, and conflating homosexuality with pedophilia (as many bigots continue to do today). Lovecraft was raised in a culture that praised masculinity and masculine identity, and often deprecated undesirable individuals as “effeminate.” To Lovecraft, it was perfectly in keeping to assume that gay men would desire to have sex with other men because they were effectively women in men’s bodies (Uranian). This perceived deviation could be the subject of mockery, and even violence:

Have you seen that precious sissy that I met in Cleveland? Belknap says he’s hit the big town, and that he’s had some conversation with him. When I saw that marcelled what is it I don’t know whether to kiss it or kill it! It used to sit cross-legged on the floor at Elgin’s and gaze soulfully upward. It didn’t like me and Galpin—too horrid, rough and mannish for it!

H. P. Lovecraft to James F. Morton, 8 Jan 1924, Letters to James F. Morton 63

Lovecraft met relatively few individuals that were “out” during his lifetime, because individuals who weren’t closeted faced violence and/or legal persecution, as was the case of Oscar Wilde. Lovecraft is not personally known to have acted on this information beyond a few brief passages in his letters. When critics and biographers talk about Lovecraft’s homophobia, this is what they are talking about. It isn’t entirely clear if Lovecraft was even aware of the sexuality of his gay friends and colleagues, and it is worth mentioning the most prominent and important ones briefly.

Samuel Loveman (1887-1976) was a gay Jewish poet, bookman, and amateur journalist. Lovecraft stumbled across Loveman’s work in 1917 and admired his poetry, and the two began a long correspondence and friendship, with Lovecraft often praising and boosting Loveman’s work. The two finally met in 1921 in New York City, both of them invited there by Sonia H. Greene (Lovecraft’s future wife). In 1922 Lovecraft visited Loveman in Cleveland, where he met Loveman’s friend the gay poet Hart Crane (1899-1932), and others in their circle, including composer Gordon Hatfield, the “precious sissy” in the above letter. In 1924 Lovecraft and Greene eloped to New York; Loveman and Crane moved there as well, with Loveman as Lovecraft’s upstairs neighbor for a period. In time, the marriage failed, and Lovecraft moved back to Providence, RI.

Lovecraft never directly referenced Loveman’s homosexuality, and may have been ignorant of it; Loveman would go on to write “To Satan” (1923) dedicated to Lovecraft, and “To Mr. Theobald” (1926). They remained friends until Lovecraft’s death. It is also unclear if Lovecraft knew of Crane’s sexuality, although there are hints in Lovecraft’s letters that suggested he knew, and Frank Belknap Long wrote in a memoir: “Howard and the rest knew of it, but that didn’t affect their friendship with Crane” (Long Memories and Other Writings 56). Ultimately, Lovecraft and Crane were only passing acquaintances.

Amateur journalism also included several other LGBTQ+ numbers, most eminently lesbian Elsa Gidlow (1898-1986) and her gay associate Roswell George Mills (1896-1966). Gidlow and Lovecraft were presidents of rival factions of the United Amateur Press Association, and while they had little direct contact, his letters give evidence that Lovecraft was certainly aware of them and their publication of the amateur journal Les Mouches Fantastiques, which he was critical of. Whether Lovecraft was aware they were homosexuals is not clear. In any event, these too were brief contacts that had little effect on Lovecraft.

The most substantial LGBTQ+ friends Lovecraft had were August Derleth (1909-1971) and Robert H. Barlow (1918-1951). They shared a love of weird fiction and an appreciation of Weird Tales, and were regular correspondents for the rest of his life. Together, both men would have a profound impact on the life and legacy of H. P. Lovecraft, and shape Mythos fiction for decades to come.

August Derleth began corresponding with H. P. Lovecraft in 1926. In her biography Derleth: Hawk…and Dove (1997) by Dorothy M. Grobe Litersky made the claim that Derleth was a closeted bisexual and had carried on affairs with both men and women. The evidence to support the claim of Derleth’s sexual relationships with men is a bit scanty, but Derleth’s letters with Lovecraft (Essential Solitude) and Ramsey Campbell (Letters to Arkham) show Derleth was at least more cognizant of and conversant with homosexuality than Lovecraft.

R. H. Barlow was younger than Derleth when he began corresponding with Lovecraft in 1931. In 1934, on one of his trips to Florida, Lovecraft was invited to stay with Barlow and his family—where Lovecraft found out his friend’s true age. Lovecraft would visit the Barlows again in 1935, and young Barlow would visit Lovecraft in New York in 1935 and Providence in 1936. If Lovecraft was aware that Barlow was homosexual, he gave no hint in his letters, although Derleth appears to have suspected Barlow’s orientation since 1936.

Before his death in 1937, Lovecraft had left instructions naming the teenage Barlow his literary executor; and Barlow’s efforts to have Lovecraft’s papers deposited at Brown University’s John Hay Library preserved letters, manuscripts, and other materials that would form the core of Lovecraft scholarship to the present day. August Derleth worked with his friend Donald Wandrei to preserve Lovecraft’s literary legacy by bringing his work to print; and when major publishing houses turned them down they founded Arkham House in 1939 to publish Lovecraft’s fiction and letters. As an author, editor, publisher, biographer, and critic, Derleth worked tirelessly to promote Lovecraft’s work and promote his legend.

Given the stigma attached to LGBTQ+ issues during his lifetime, it’s no surprise that early Mythos fiction contains almost nothing directly pertaining to sexuality or gender issues during Lovecraft’s lifetime. The major exception is “The Thing on the Doorstep” (1937), the last of his stories published in Weird Tales during his lifetime.

From Lovecraft to Stonewall (1937-1969)

Lovecraft met and was influenced by many people in his life, and that no doubt included more LGBTQ+ folks than just those mentioned above. Suggestions that fellow-writers and correspondents like Henry S. Whitehead (1882-1932) and Robert E. Howard (1906-1936) were gay generally lack evidence, but the very fact those claims are put forward showcases an awareness of and interest—some would say an obsession—with identifying closeted homosexuals as part of the Lavender scare moral panic. Nor was Lovecraft immune from speculation about his sex life and sexuality:

His stories are sexless and one supposes the man was nearly so, all but mothered into impotency. One can say that almost all of his adult relationships were homosexual, if the word is intended in the blandest sense: there is no sign of strong sexual impulse of any kind. He was “not at ease” with women. His marriage was a mistake and a quick failure. He was disturbed by even mildly sexual writing.

Winfield Townley Scott, “His Own Most Fantastic Creation: Howard Phillips Lovecraft” (1944) in Lovecraft Remembered 26

Nearly every word of that is factually incorrect, but it showcases the thinking of the time. The decades after Lovecraft’s death were not good ones in which to be LGTBQ+, as persecution and discrimination heightened after World War II. R. H. Barlow committed suicide in Mexico at the beginning of 1951; one of the possible reasons he took his own life was an attempt to blackmail him over his homosexual lifestyle. We may never know if that is true, but it emphasized the duress under which LGBTQ+ folks lived.

Derleth continued tirelessly with Arkham House. Working with Wandrei and Barlow, Derleth worked to shape Lovecraft’s literary legacy with collections of his fiction, letters, and essays, as well as memoirs about him. With Barlow’s absence or compliance on most matters related to Lovecraft and an agreement with Lovecraft’s surviving aunt, Arkham House had de facto control of the Lovecraft copyrights—and Derleth used that to bluster, sometimes threatening legal action, to squash publication of material antithetical to Lovecraft’s image (e.g. James Warren Thomas’ masters thesis H. P. Lovecraft: A Self-Portrait, 1950) and any Mythos fiction produced outside Arkham House (e.g. C. Hall Thompson’s fiction such as “The Spawn of the Green Abyss,” 1946).

Mythos fiction under Derleth’s aegis largely consisted of reprinting Lovecraft’s published and unpublished fiction, and the related Mythos fiction of his friends and colleagues such as Robert E. Howard, Clark Ashton Smith, Frank Belknap Long, and himself—the latter of which consisted of both original fiction and so-claimed “posthumous collaborations.” In the 1960s, Derleth began to publish more Mythos fiction from other writers, notably Ramsey Campbell and Brian Lumley. This new generation began to bring differing attitudes of what was acceptable in horror fiction, and Ramsey Campbell’s “Cold Print” (1969) is the first English-language Mythos story to address homosexuality.

Despite these efforts, Derleth did not have complete control of publishing, and some Mythos fiction became published outside his purview (and perhaps without his knowledge). For example, “Celui qui suscitait l’effroi…” (1958) by Jacques Janus, published in France, revisited the gender-bending issues raised by “The Thing on the Doorstep”; and “I Had Vacantly Crumpled It into My Pocket … But By God, Eliot, It Was a Photograph from Life!” (1964) by Joanna Russ is probably the first Mythos fiction written by a lesbian, although Russ was not out about her sexuality at the time. The first Mythos parody published by a gay writer might be “At the Mountains of Murkiness, or From Lovecraft to Leacock” (1940) by Arthur C. Clarke, but again, Clarke was not open about his sexuality at the time. Many fans might have been reading fiction from LGBTQ+ writers for decades and never known it, as the consequences of being outed could be severe.

So there wasn’t exactly an LGBTQ+ Mythos underground sticking it to the man in the form of August Derleth. What was happening is that a new generation of LGBTQ+ writers was coming of age and ingesting Lovecraft and Mythos fact and fiction. Paperback publication in the 1960s and a handful of film and comic book adaptations were bringing Lovecraft and the Mythos to a wider and wider audience…and in 1969 the Stonewall riots became the spark for the LGBTQ+ civil rights movement.

It was, in other words, increasingly okay to be gay and a Lovecraft fan.

Beyond the Derleth Mythos (1969-2015)

August Derleth died in 1971, and with his passing came a shift in Mythos publishing. The legal bluster that Derleth had used to try and exert influence over Lovecraft’s posthumous image largely died with him; and critical assessments of fiction (“The Derleth Mythos,” 1972) sparked a pushback against Derleth’s interpretation of Lovecraft and his Mythos. The fanzine and newspaper articles of yesteryear began to give way to scholarly and academic essays and hardbound books. Many of these still evinced the lavender scare hangups; in the first full Lovecraft biography, L. Sprague de Camp summarized the issue so far as HPL was concerned:

The question of Lovecraft’s sexuality has stirred much interest. Some writers have called him “sexless.” Others have surmised that he might have been a homosexual or at least a latent one. They have cited his indifference to heterosexual relationships; the lack of women in his stories, whose leading characters are often a single male narrator and one close male friend; and his many friendships with younger men, some of whom either were overt homosexuals or had tendencies in that direct.

“Latent homosexuality,” however, is a vague, slippery concept. Moreover, the charge of “latent homosexual tendencies” has become such a fad that it is leveled at almost any notable whose love life is at all unusual.

L. Sprague de Camp, H. P. Lovecraft: A Biography 189

De Camp (1907-2000), however, was of the older generation, and the newer scholars, fans, and writers attracted to the Mythos and Lovecraftian fiction were more open to new and accepting interpretations of sexuality and gender identity and fresh takes on Lovecraft and the Mythos. What’s more, without Arkham House throttling production, other publishers could publish their own Mythos fiction by new writers. While there are far too many Mythos writers during these decades to name them all, some stand out as helping to shape a more inclusive Mythos literary landscape, writers who by their work and by their lives stand out from the rest.

William S. Burroughs (1914-1997) became a leading postmodernist and member of the Beat Generation; his explicit writings on homosexuality shocked audiences, but also helped expand the possibilities of science fiction. The influence of Lovecraft on Burroughs can be seen in works like Cities of the Red Night (1981).

Richard A. Lupoff (1935-2020) broke ground when he wrote “The Discovery of the Ghooric Zone” (1977), re-interpreting an homage to Lovecraft in the form of New Wave science fiction, explicitly including the first explicit transgender and bisexual characters in Lovecraftian fiction.

Stanley C. Sargent (1950-2018) broke ground in Mythos fiction in the 90s with stories like “The Black Brat of Dunwich” (1997), offering far different readings and interpretations of Mythos classics. Stan also authored what is probably the most coherent argument for Lovecraft as a closeted homosexual in a 1997 interview with Peter A. Worthy. Whether or not readers agree, it shows how openly LGBTQ+ people could now become in discussing their lives, and how they felt their experiences were reflected in the Mythos—which had its scholarly counterpart in work like Robert M. Price’s essay “Homosexual Panic in ‘The Outsider'” (1982).

W. H. Pugmire (1951-2019) grew up in the era of punk rock and Boy George, and became the self-declared “Queen of Eldritch Horror.” While mostly remembered today for his sensual, evocative prose, including his re-workings of familiar Mythos entities (e.g. “An Imp of Aether,”1997) and his own personal corner of Lovecraft country in the Pacific Northwest called Sesqua Valley (e.g. “Some Distant Baying Sound,” 2009), Pugmire was also influential as an editor. While a good deal of Mythos publishing in the 90s was focused on pastiche, Pugmire emphasized the importance of Lovecraft’s themes and atmosphere over his eldritch tomes and unspeakable names. He also collaborated with similar-minded writers like Jessica Amanda Salmonson (1950-) with works like “Pale, Trembling Youth” (1986) that explored these themes.

Caitlín R. Kiernan (1964-) has sometimes been called “Lovecraft’s spiritual granddaughter,” and it shows. Kiernan’s Mythos and Lovecraftian stories often feature strong female characters, including several prominent depictions of lesbians in stories such as “Paedomorphosis” (1998) “Paedomorphosis” (1998), and sometimes broaches transgender themes such as in “Pages Found Among the Effects of Miss Edith M. Teller” (2005). These people are not caricatures but realistic depictions of LGBTQ+ folks as flawed human beings, often struggling with themselves and their relationships.

Billy Martin (1967-) who wrote as Poppy Z. Brite, also pushed boundaries in the Lovecraftian milieu with stories like “His Mouth Will Taste Of Wormwood” (1990) and “Are You Loathsome Tonight?” (1998). Like Kiernan and Pugmire, they were part of a 90s generation that pushed the limits of what Lovecraftian was and could be.

Writers whose work post-2010 stand out for their inclusion of LGBTQ+ characters and themes include Jordan L. Hawk, who writes the Whyborne & Griffith series, a homosexual romantic fantasy with Lovecraftian elements begging with Widdershins (2013); Molly Tanzer whose works include “Herbert West in Love” (2012) and “In the Garden of Ibn Ghazi” (2021); Ruthanna Emrys with “The Litany of Earth” (2014) and Winter Tide (2017).

While some of the work of the above authors verged on or crossed the line into erotica, actual pornographic material has also included LGBTQ+ characters and creations, from the lurid Teenage Twins (1976) to the often-overlooked hardcore bisexual comics of John Blackburn (1939-2006) such as Dagger of Blood (1997), and Logan Kowalsky‘s (1971-) Le Pornomicon (2005). While these and other works may seem n the tawdry side, they’re important examples of the increasing acceptance of non-heterosexuality; while some folks may look on porn as exploitative of sexuality, others find freedom in being able to explore their sexuality through sex work, or just to enjoy porn that matches their interests.

In that vein, you might compare the salacious depiction lesbian characters in Mystery of the Necronomicon (黒の断章, 1999) with the more developed, conflicted gay characters in Cthulhu (2007); while the feature film obviously has more to say about LGBTQ+ folks finding their role in the Mythos, even bad representation is representation—which is more than LGTBQ+ Mythos fans got for decades after Lovecraft’s death.

Which is not to say that all depictions of LGBTQ+ folks and non-heterosexuality/cisgender identity were positive. Far from it. Homophobic and transphobic biases run deep and sometimes pop up in unexpected places, like “The Curate of Temphill” (1993) by Peter Cannon & Robert M. Price. However, the dawn of the internet has substantially widened access to information on sexuality and gender identity; communities have formed to help and support LGBTQ+ folks and connect writers, publishers, and audiences together, and social media often provides a panopticon for intolerance almost inconceivable in the past. Marion Zimmer Bradley and her husband continued her abuse for years despite serious allegations, but J. K. Rowling‘s transphobia received immediate pushback on social media.

Revolution & Reimagination (2015-2022)

The Mythos and Lovecraftian fiction scene of today is profoundly different than it was even a decade ago. While intolerance and bigotry are still with us and still very real issues that LGBTQ+ folks face, the Mythos publishing environment is more open and diverse than ever before. This is in part due to a publishing revolution fueled by desktop publishing software, affordable print-on-demand technology, and crowdfunding platforms like Kickstarter. Small press publishers continued to grow and diversify in the 2010s, often using crowdfunding to raise awareness and investment in their products, including an increasingly diverse range of Mythos books. Ebooks also provide a new niche for LGBTQ+ authors, such as “(UN)Bury Your Gays: A Queering of Herbert West – Reanimator by H.P. Lovecraft” (2022) by Clinton W. Waters.

The impact of this publishing shift is still being felt, but one thing that seems clear is that there is increasingly a market for more diverse Mythos fiction, and writers willing to cater to that need. In 2016, publisher Tor shifte focus on publishing a more diverse array of Mythos fiction, including Hammers on Bone (2016) by Cassandra Khaw and its follow-up A Song for Quiet (2017), The Dream-Quest of Vellitt Boe (2016) by Kij Johnson, and Agents of Dreamland (2017) by Caitlín R. Kiernan. While the days of photocopied Lovecraftian fanzines may not be completely over, it’s become clear that these works are more than just a fad. It’s also increasingly become clear LGBTQ+ folks aren’t just writers and artists, but editors and publishers as well, as interviews with folks like Carrie Cuinn (Cthulhurotica), Lynne Jamneck (Dreams From the Witch House), and Erica Ciko Campbell and Desmond Rhae Harris (Starward Shadows Quarterly).

What the future holds for the LGBTQ+ Mythos is hard to say—there has been so much progress in the recognition of LGBTQ+ rights in the decades since Lovecraft’s death, and the reactionary political and cultural efforts to claw back those rights and discriminate against folks based on their sexuality or gender identity, whether they want to play a sport or transition, is a terrible ongoing challenge. Yet it helps to look back and see how far the genre has come. The Mythos has long outgrown the ignorant homophobia that Lovecraft expressed in a few of his letters, and many of the LGBTQ+ fans his works inspired have become some of the best and brightest creative voices we now have.


Bobby Derie is the author of Weird Talers: Essays on Robert E. Howard & Others (2019) and Sex and the Cthulhu Mythos (2014).

A Brazilian Looks At Lovecraft

A Brazilian Looks At Lovecraft
by Davi Braid

It was a strange night in Michigan. The gibbous moon lurked behind tenebrous clouds. A barely illuminated terrene town was slowly recovering from the fetid consequences of a cacodaemoniacal college party. Eldritch shadows followed the rhythm of ululating winds, forming a blasphemous image of a chthonian forest at the horizon. Ignored by a lonely exchange student, a cup of the local, noxious coffee was getting cold by the window of a noisome hotel.

For some reason, that cup of coffee caused me to panic. Its horrible taste was a clear indicator of how far this place was from home. I had no friends, no family, no coworkers, and I kept asking myself the reason behind that trip. The original plan was to find personal growth out of my comfort zone. It was not working as intended, though.

The hotel room did not have much to offer, so my free time was spent observing the town from afar and reading. It was fun and exciting at first, but it didn’t last long. The cultural differences, the lack of a deeper connection to people, and the constant feeling of being an outsider are things that hit hard when you are entirely by yourself.

Due to being isolated and depressed, my mind would constantly spiral down into nearly inescapable cycles of fear and nihilism. Socializing is an activity that demands a lot of effort from introverts, and the trouble of trying that in a foreign culture was a great excuse to never do it at all. It seems that being a foreigner was not necessarily a charming characteristic in a small town where half the population was college kids.

Even within the Latino community, it was tough being Brazilian. We speak Portuguese, not Spanish, so there is a language barrier that prevents us from completely fitting in. It is hard to think of a moment that felt worse than being among many other foreigners from South America and feeling like an outcast.

I do not remember exactly how or when Lovecraft’s tales really caught my interest for the first time. After researching gloomy things, taken by desperation and anxiety, the concept Cosmic Horror found its way into the screen of my laptop. I never liked horror as a genre, but the title “The Outsider” caught my eye for obvious reasons. On top of that, something about unknown entities that overshadow mundane problems felt weirdly comforting at that point.

The story failed to impress me with its simplistic structure and a generic monster. However, the ending hit me as no written story has ever done before:

I know always that I am an outsider; a stranger in this century and among those who are still men. This I have known ever since I stretched out my fingers to the abomination within that great gilded frame; stretched out my fingers and touched a cold and unyielding surface of polished glass.

Thoughts about the pointlessness of living when death is certain were just some of my recurring demons, which didn’t make me popular at parties. The outsider never belonged, and the monster was not hunting him. The narrator did not see itself as the ghoulish shade of decay that it was. This horror story was my polished glass.

That ending was digested by my brain and became the first step toward a life-long obsession with cosmic horror. Solitude in a small room was not an issue for someone who had just opened the Necronomicon. The observer triggered a long introspection that resulted in a few failed attempts to socialize, turning this newly found genre into the best way to escape reality and self-pity.

One must wonder how many demons Lovecraft had. The themes of his writings were painfully clear. Narrators were always finding out horrific truths, and madness was the natural state of those who see the world for what it is. Convinced of the lack of meaning in life, I became one of his characters. On the other hand, reading his characters was about to turn me back into a functional person.

A sudden sense of urgency—acquired after reading “Dagon”—caused me to slowly break out of an old delusion. Happy, inaccurate memories of a big city chased me to the other hemisphere, much like the old ones chased the narrator:

The end is near. I hear a noise at the door, as of some immense slippery body lumbering against it. It shall not find me. God, that hand! The window! The window!

With the help of my thanatophobia, the old one by the window caused the panic attack that shaped my following days. The end was near, time was limited, and nothing was being done. How can someone take control of their future when shackled by insecurity and hopelessness?

After so many of his tales, Lovecraft’s antediluvian view of the world became painfully obvious in “The Horror at Red Hook.” Luckily, I was about to get lectured by them:

The population is a hopeless tangle and enigma; Syrian, Spanish, Italian, and negro elements impinging upon one another, and fragments of Scandinavian and American belts lying not far distant. It is a babel of sound and filth, and sends out strange cries to answer the lapping of oily waves at its grimy piers and the monstrous organ litanies of the harbour whistles.

I was not an immigrant, but it would hardly have mattered to him. Being a descendant of Native, Scottish, and Portuguese people myself, tangled enigma was an excellent definition of my heritage. Besides, Brazil is a melting pot. Consequently, it is a tangled enigma, as the writer himself defined. Funny enough, taking offense was not my first reaction. Building anger towards an author from two centuries ago due to his outdated views felt like a pointless mental effort.

The descriptions used by the author for certain ethnicities are revealing. They seem to echo how he talks about monsters and gods—as if everything was otherworldly and incomprehensible. Maybe he was afraid of what was different and unknown. Not understanding other languages being spoken in his own country clearly disturbed him somehow: “From this tangle of material and spiritual putrescence the blasphemies of a hundred dialects assail the sky.”

Digging into his correspondences and stories, I ended up finding something disturbing in one of his letters:

It was there that I formed my ineradicable aversion to the Semitic race. The Jews were brilliant in their classes—calculatingly & schemingly brilliant—but their ideals were sordid & their manners coarse. I became rather well known as an anti-Semitic before I had been at Hope Street many days.

H. P. Lovecraft to Rheinhart Kleiner, 16 November 1916, Letters to Rheinhart Kleiner & Others 72

To my surprise, he married a Jewish woman who shared his passion for literature. At that point, a lambent idea crawled its way into my outré neurons. If Lovecraft shared the same hobbies and passions with an immigrant, would he dislike that person the same way? What if people could see how much they had in common instead of how different they were? And that’s when it hit me: What if I started looking for things I had in common with others instead of reminding them of our differences?

I used to think of myself as a unique, awake person who could see the world for what it is—a cyclopean blasphemy—and therefore, there was no point in trying to enjoy my time on earth. It turns out that person was just a socially impaired snob who constantly reminded others of how different he was. Fortunately, “The Horror At Red Hook” pushed some sense into my head in a peculiar way.

We are all people aimlessly navigating life, trying to make the most of it. If I have my doubts and fears, chances are other humans do too. Instead of trying to stand out as the eccentric foreigner, my approach was changed to “I like that too,” which changed not only my experience in the United States but my whole life as well. 

Don’t get me wrong, there were plenty of weird cultural barriers to be dealt with. Nonetheless, putting some effort into breaching those barriers proved to be a much better way to make meaningful connections. Colleagues slowly became friends, and friends presented me to a whole new world and lifestyle. 

Michigan was quite life-changing, and I miss my time there so much. I ended up loving snow, hockey, Detroit, and much of the local culture. I went to college parties, had terrific burgers, and even learned how to shoot a gun—although I passed on hunting. I made friends, built a professional network, and even helped many newcomers to feel welcomed.

My introversion never left me, and it will not be going anywhere. The process of changing that old behavior into something more productive took months, yet I managed to get there. It never stopped being a conscious effort, but it was a significant improvement. Ironically, all that happened thanks to a xenophobic, antisemitic man who wrote horror stories.

Besides leaving me with a life lesson, Howard Phillips Lovecraft was also the reason behind my regained interest in Brazilian legends. Many of my country’s backcountry myths inspired me to return to fiction writing, giving it a Lovecraftian spin.

When I’m having a really bad day, I return to “The Whisperer in Darkness” and “The Shadow over Innsmouth.” Someone like me is never truly free from old, obdurate demons. Maybe he wrote them down to take them out of his mind. Reading those stories reminds me that there is much more in the world to be seen and discovered, rekindling my passion for life itself.

It is possible that he would not be pleased with how his unearthly entities helped a Brazilian student to fit in the United States. Especially considering what he used to think of my country—or most countries, according to what he wrote in a letter:

If this nation ever becomes really composite; if the polyglot lower elements ever rise to the surface and direct the destinies of the whole people, then the United States will have undergone intellectual and moral death, and must be content to take its inferior place beside Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and other decidedly immigrant nations. For the glory of the world is the glory of England. […] If other nationalities are now represented here, it is only on sufferance. They are charity boarders, as it were. For this is an Englishman’s country.

H. P. Lovecraft to John Dunn, 14 Oct 1916, Letters to Alfred Galpin & Others 166

Being a polyglot myself, this was the first time I ever read this word in such a negative connotation. Not having to deal with people like him was possibly pure luck. Sure, I was in several uncomfortable situations here and there. Some people wanted to try their Spanish with me as if it was my first language, and some others thought I lived in a jungle, but it felt more like ignorance than anything else.

In the end, all the situations that I had to endure were nothing like what happened to the Saudi Arabian kids. Most North Americans would actively avoid them because of their country of origin, even though they were perfectly nice and polite young men. Truth be told, It was heartbreaking to watch, which caused me to constantly check on them. In their case, as Lovecraft stated, they were there on sufferance.

I do not admire the man, just what came out of his imagination and personal fears. I read his stories during a vulnerable moment, but what I took from them is my merit. There is no point in spending any energy deliberating on his archaic opinions. Howard Phillips Lovecraft is long gone, and I have my whole life ahead of me. 


Davi Braid is a Brazilian freelance writer and a games journalist who often gets out of his niche to write about different and exciting topics. Although he does not like horror stories, Cosmic Horror fascinates him like no other kind of fiction. You can contact him via email at danobra@gmail.com or find more of his work at https://davibraid.journoportfolio.com/

Copyright 2022 Davi Braid

“Up from Slavery” (2019) by Victor LaValle

They had done the same thing on other planets; having manufactured not only necessary foods, but certain multicellular protoplasmic masses capable of moulding their tissues into all sorts of temporary organs under hypnotic influence and thereby forming ideal slaves to perform the heavy work of the community. These viscous masses were without doubt what Abdul Alhazred whispered about as the “shoggoths” in his frightful Necronomicon, though even that mad Arab had not hinted that any existed on earth except in the dreams of those who had chewed a certain alkaloidal herb.

H. P. Lovecraft, “At the Mountains of Madness”

Slavery was a part of Lovecraft’s heritage. While his immediate family never owned any slaves or showed any inclination to, the oldest of his aunts could remember the American Civil War and emancipation; Lovecraft himself was well aware of the part slavery had played in his own native Rhode Island, and liked to remind correspondents that his ancestor Robert Hazard had left 133 slaves in his will.

When Lovecraft wrote his alien entities, the two most detailed civilizations—the Old Ones in Antarctica in At the Mountains of Madness and the people of K’n-yan in The Mound—they were both defined by slave ownership. Why isn’t exactly clear; the exact forms of slavery involved were both like and unlike the chattel slavery of the American system or the slavery practiced by civilizations like the Romans in antiquity. There was no way for slaves in Lovecraft’s stories to earn freedom, and in fact much of the economics and social ramifications of slavery are unexamined…except for one: as in the antebellum South, the Old Ones and K’n-yans lived in the shadow of a slave revolt.

Victor LaValle’s “Up from Slavery” is a riff on an uncommon theme; a companion piece in many ways to “Shoggoths in Bloom” (2008) by Elizabeth Bear. In both stories, the experience of Black people in America, who deal every day with the legacy of slavery, draws parallels with the plight of the shoggoths.

“You were born to serve,” he said. “It’s genetic.”

Victor LaValle, “Up from Slavery” in Lovecraft Mythos New & Classic Edition 217

In many ways, the slavery of the shoggoths is closer to that of replicants in Blade Runner than to what is described in the first chapter of Booker T. Washington’s Up from Slavery (1901)—but the overall morality is identical. Whether a sentient being is kidnapped and forced into service, or grown in a lab and made to serve, the end result is the same. Because of this, slavery narratives work for shoggoth characters. No one has written Uncle Tekeli-Li’s Cabin yet, and maybe never will, but there is real empathy for shoggoth characters who run away from slavery, or fight back to avoid being returned to a state of slavery.

That is important because in a lot of ways the protagonist Simon Dust is unlikable. He carries a big chip on his shoulder, and not without reason. The world through his eyes is stacked against him because of his race. It colors his interaction with others, and his response to little things…people not sitting next to him on the train, muted anger at discovering he has a father after 29 years as an orphan who grew up in foster care, the white neighbor’s disbelief when he shows up. It is familiar territory; LaValle explored the Black experience in his novella “The Ballad of Black Tom” (2016) as well, and he is excellent at presenting an individual who has labored all their life under a sword of Damocles, and has to deal with a thousand little microaggressions every day or face the consequences.

It is weird to think that Booker T. Washington (1856-1915) and H. P. Lovecraft (1890-1937) were contemporaries…but their lives did overlap, even if they did not intersect. LaValle’s use of Washington’s autobiography helps ground Dust’s experience, and that of the shoggoths. Up from slavery shows that being born into slavery may only be the first chapter of someone’s life, even if the experiences and scars of that first chapter stay with them. Likewise, we may say that though Lovecraft may have written slavery into his Mythos, that too is only the first chapter in the saga of the shoggoths, and there is much more that may be written.

“Up from Slavery” by Victor LaValle first appeared in Weird Tales #363 (2019) and was reprinted in Lovecraft Mythos New & Classic Edition (2020), The Best American Science Fiction and Fantasy 2020 (2020), and Nightmare Magazine #100 (Jan 2021). The story won the 2019 Bram Stoker award for Superior Achievement in Long Fiction.


Bobby Derie is the author of Weird Talers: Essays on Robert E. Howard & Others (2019) and Sex and the Cthulhu Mythos (2014).

“The Canal” (1927) by Everil Worrell

In the new issue I found more good stuff than usual. “The Canal” is truly fine—real terror woven into the inmost atmosphere—& “Bells of Oceana” comes close to packing a genuine kick.
—H. P. Lovecraft to August Derleth, 4 Nov 1927, Essential Solitude 1.113

“The Canal” by Everil Worell was first published in Weird Tales December 1927, which is where Lovecraft read it. This was Worrell’s fourth published story in Weird Tales; she would publish 19 in the magazine between 1926 and 1954, when the pulp ceased publication, being one of the prolific women weird talers who made their mark on the magazine. Lovecraft wasn’t keen on every story Worrell wrote…but “The Canal” was special, and Lovecraft repeatedly listed it among the best stories ever published by Weird Tales:

Looking over the whole contents of W.T., one’s final impression is that of a devastating desert of crudity & mediocrity, relieved by a very few oases. The high spots that impress me are Suter’s “Beyond the Door”, Humphrey’s “The Floor Above”, Arnold’s “The Night Wire”, Worrell’s “The Canal”, Burks’ “Bells of Oceana”, & Leahy’s “In Amundsen’s Tent”. Those things have the atmosphere & suggestion which spell power.
—H. P. Lovecraft to August Derleth, 18 Feb 1930, Essential Solitude 1.247

As for my favourite W.T. authors—it would be hard to make a list. The very best tales have been written by persons not at all well known. In my opinion, the relaly high spots run something like this:

Beyond the Door___________Paul Suter
The Floor Above___________M. Humphreys
The Night Wire____________H. F. Arnold
In Amundsen’s Tent_________John Martin Leahy
The Canal________________Everil Worrill [sic]
Bells of Oceana____________Arthur J. Burks
Passing of a God___________Henry S. Whitehead

[…] W0rrill [sic] is good in the main, but has produced some fearsome trash.
—H. P. Lovecraft to J. Vernon Shea, 19 Jun 1931, Letters to J. Vernon Shea 18-19

Yes—”The Canal” is great stuff. I once cited it as one of the 6 best stories WT ever printed—the other 5 being “Beyond the Door”, “The Floor Above”, “In Amundsen’s Tent”, “The Night Wire”, & “Bells of Oceana.” The author is a woman, & has written other stuff—some very poor (“Light Echoes”) & some distinctly good (“the Bird of Space”).
—H. P. Lovecraft to Duane W. Rimel, 22 Dec 1934, Letters to F. Lee Baldwin 247-248

Lovecraft wasn’t originally aware of Worrell’s gender, and refers to her as “he” in his correspondence until 1930, when he received a bit of news:

[Farnsworth Wright, editor of Weird Tales] adds that Everil Worrell (who turns out to be a woman) is about to become associate editor of W.T. & Oriental Tales.
—H. P. Lovecraft to Clark Ashton Smith, 14 Oct 1930, Dawnward Spire, Lonely Hill 242 (cf. ES 1.281)

Oriental Stories was a new magazine produced by Popular Fiction Publishing the publishers of Weird Tales and edited by Farnsworth Wright, with the first issue appearing in Oct-Nov 1930; Wright also wanted to bring out a third magazine titled Strange Stories, but a dispute regarding the name hung up production and SS was eventually abandoned. Lovecraft was positive about the idea of Worrell as associate editor, based solely on her fiction—and that mainly “The Canal”:

I hope that the co-editorship of Everil Worrell, whose “Canal” shewed a genuine comprehension of the principles of weirdness, will cause some slight improvement in the magazine’s principles of selection.
—H. P. Lovecraft to Clark Ashton Smith, 17 Oct 1930, Dawnward Spire, Lonely Hill 246

Unfortunately, it was not to be. Oriental Stories by itself was a strain on Popular Fiction Publishing’s resources, with Weird Tales having to go bimonthly for three issues in 1931 to help keep Oriental Stories afloat. Whether the financial strain couldn’t support an associate editor, or Wright didn’t need an associate editor because the magazines went bimonthly, or Worrell chose not to accept the position—she did not join the Popular Fiction Publishing editorial staff.

What was it about “The Canal” that attracted Lovecraft’s undying appreciation? The protagonist is coincidentally very Lovecraftian, with a love of nocturnal walks and strange places and an appreciation of odd beauty. So too, some of the philosophical themes, such as the loss of freedom that an office job would require, might have struck a chord. The premise of the plot—quite literally love at first sight—is not at all the usual kind of story that Lovecraft enjoyed. But as with “Shambleau” (1933) by C. L. Moore and “Black God’s Kiss” (1934) by C. L. Moore, Lovecraft could appreciate sudden and sensual attachments if the story had a truly weird element, carefully told with the appropriate atmosphere. Werewolves and vampires were rather conventional horrors that held little interest for Lovecraft, but they had their place in the weird oeuvre, and HPL never said a word against Dracula’s brides in the castle.

Lovecraft’s appreciation for “The Canal” led to a brief but illuminating discussion with another master of the weird tale:

By the way, I have just been re-reading “The Canal”, which you mention. It certainly creates a memorable atmosphere; but the one flaw, to me, is the wholesale dynamiting, which seems to introduce a jarring note among the shadowy supernatural horrors. However, this is just my own reaction. I would have had the narrator simply kill himself, overwhelmed by despair at the irremediable scourge he had loosed, and leave the horror to spread unchecked. However, I shouldn’t be captious: it is the only good vampire story I have ever seen, apart from Gautier’s “Clarimonde” and my own “Rendezvous in Averoigne.” […] It seems to me also that Everil Worrel’s co-editorship should help to counter-balance some of Wright’s dunder-headed decisions; and I shall re-submit Satampra and perhaps also “The Door to Saturn” at some future date.
—Clark Ashton Smith to H. P. Lovecraft, 24-30 Oct 1930, Dawnward Spire, Lonely Hill 254

“The Canal certainly has atmosphere. The final dynamiting—like my dynamiting of the house on Tempest Mountain in “The Lurking Fear”—is probably less subtly handled than it ought to be, yet is in a certain sense necessary as a means of explaining why the whole world hasn’t “gone vampire”. Whenever a fantastic tale introduces a horror which, if unchecked, would shortly produce strikingly visible results throughout the earth, it is necessary to explain why those results have not occurred—necessary, in short, to check the full action of the thing—unless the tale is laid in the future. There is really no way of escaping this dilemma. We must either explain the present survival of the existing order, or choose a remotely future period at which the existing order is assumed to be destroyed. The only adumbration of a middle course open to us is to have the original horror so subtle as to produce only imperceptible effects for a very long period, or to have a partial checking in which the action of the horror is vastly minimised or delayed. In “Dagon” I shewed a horror that may appear, but that has not yet made any effort to do so. In “Cthulhu” I had a coming horror checked by the same convulsion of Nature which produced it. [earthquake-sinking of R’lyeh] In “The Colour Out of Space” I had a partial checking. Just enough of the Outside influence remains in the well to provide a slow, creeping blight. And in “Dunwich” I had full artificial destruction, as in “The Canal”. When one does have full artificial destruction, the important thing is not to make the process too bald, crude, or incongruous with the atmosphere or action of the narrative as a whole. I agree that very few good vampire tales exist.
—H. P. Lovecraft to Clark Ashton Smith, 7 Nov 1930, Dawnward Spire, Lonely Hill 261-262

This is a rare case where Lovecraft gives us insight on the craft behind writing his stories, in part because the nature of the ending of “The Canal” caused him to reflect on how he ended his own stories. There is an interesting point of comparison there: when August Derleth reprinted “The Canal” in The Sleeping and the Dead (1947), the story was revised, cutting about 2,000 words and radically changing the ending; the abridged version can be read here. The abridged ending is more melancholy and less climactic than the first; the intention of suicide remains, but there is no dynamite, no colony of bat-creatures; it is, in fact, a bit closer to Clark Ashton Smith’s suggested ending.

Lovecraft’s appreciation of “The Canal” did not lessen with the years, and his letters in 1935 give evidence of that when Worrell’s story was reprinted in the January 1935 Weird Tales. His two longest comments to younger Weird Tales fans are succinct:

In the previous issue, the “Canal” reprint was the real feature. Yes—Everill Worrell was said by Wright to belong to the feminine gender. He once considered hiring her as associate editor, but finally decided not to. Viewed collectively, her work was very uneven—descended from the high level of “The Canal” to the unutterable namby-pamby of “Light-Echoes”…rather a Blackwoodian condition. I have seen nothing new of hers in years, & have no idea whether she is dead or alive. But “The Canal” is a landmark in WT history.
—H. P. Lovecraft to R. H. Barlow, 11? May 1935, O Fortunate Floridian 259

“The Canal” is one of the most powerful tales W.T. ever printed—but I didn’t like “Light Echoes”, which to me suggested the namby-pamby. “The Bird of Space” wasn’t bad. I understand from Wright that Everil Worrell is a woman. He once thought of hiring her as assistant editor, but later decided not to. I don’t know her address, but fancy WT would gladly forward a letter address to her in its care. She ought to be glad to furnish an autograph to one who appreciates her work.
—H. P. Lovecraft to Emil Petaja, 31 May 1935, Letters with Donald & Howard Wandrei and to Emil Petaja 437

Everil Worrell was not dead, though Lovecraft could be forbidden for thinking so; she published no stories in Weird Tales under her own name after 1931 until 1939, two years after Lovecraft’s own death. Though they never met or corresponded, she was one of Lovecraft’s esteemed peers at Weird Tales.

“The Canal” would go on to be reprinted many times, sometimes in abridged form. Leonard Nimoy in his directing debut provided an adaptation of the story for The Night Gallery titled “Death on a Barge.” The original published text of the story can be read for free online.


Bobby Derie is the author of Weird Talers: Essays on Robert E. Howard and Others and Sex and the Cthulhu Mythos.

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